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EN
An analysis of the contents of articles published in the 'New York Times' in August 1914 considerably facilitates understanding the attitudes accepted by the American society and authorities during the first month of WW I. The views it presented strongly accentuated the national egoism of the Europeans, which led them to a state of war and which was contrasted with the mission of civilisation development, realised by the United States. Consequently, emphasis was placed on the necessity of accepting a neutral stand in order to protect the interests of the whole international community involved in wartime hostilities. The journal also depicted the benefits and losses stemming from neutrality. The former, which encompass such elements as the growth of American industry and the financial sector and, at the same time, the elimination of European trade competition from Latin America, clearly predominated. The latter were portrayed extremely vividly and upon occasions the journal resorted to outright cynical arguments. Formal neutrality was to be actually more pro-British than pro-German.By supporting neutrality towards the war in Europe, the 'New York Times' in August 1914 was just as reliable, both to its readers and the authorities, as three years later, when it spoke in favour of joining the same war.
EN
During the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, 'New York Times', one of the most important American newspapers, called for retaining neutrality, considered to be favourable from the viewpoint of the security and interest of the state. Three years later, the same daily urged the Americans to support the policy formulated by President Woodrow Wilson, who on 2 April 1917 called upon the Congress to declare war against Germany. In both cases, the newspaper backed the policy of the Wilson Administration. In 1917 it additionally expanded its argumentation in favour of the war by presenting the American-German clash, first, as a confrontation with an oppressive state system and not with the German nation, and, secondly, as a life and death battle waged by democratic and autocratic systems. From that time on, these arguments became an oft-emulated motif used for justifying American policy, in particular in the case of wars involving the USA.
EN
Vice President Harry S. Truman was appointed President of the United States in April 1945, after the death of officiating President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Objectively speaking, the role performed by Harry S. Truman changed several weeks prior to the end of the war in Europe and the difficult finale of the hostilities in the Pacific; thus, it constituted an enormous challenge for the new White House dweller. At the same time, it produced considerable anxiety among American politicians and their foreign partners. Several years after the war, and just before the end of President Truman's term in office, Winston Churchill, the British wartime Prime Minister, admitted that in 1945 he had underestimated Harry S. Truman. Initially, such opinions were not isolated. W. Churchill was emulated by American historians analysing the course of the second world war, American participation, and the person and accomplishments of Harry S. Truman, examined against this background. In the course of time, and certainly since the 1970s, the judgments formulated by American historiography have become increasingly affirmative. Historians take into consideration not only Truman's personal traits and manner of governing, disclosed already during the first few weeks after assuming the presidential office, but also the circumstances and conditions in which the new President was capable of correctly assessing the opportunities and threats facing the country, as well as of making rapid decisions of crucial significance for the wartime and post-war fate of the United States, its partners and enemies. At the beginning of the twenty first century, such a reevaluation has ultimately led to the inclusion of Harry S. Truman into the group of the 'almost great' presidents.
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