Search results

1

Outdoor Advertising in the 2012 Ukraine Parliamentary Election

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Łukasik-Turecka A., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2012

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issue 2 (2)

PL

The so-called outdoor advertising played a crucial role in the 2012 parliamentary elections campaign in Ukraine. The parties preparing their advertising messages applied different types of such advertising. The classic image advertising was one of the most popular advertising forms and it contained such standard elements, as: the candidate’s photograph, his/her last name, the party’s name, the candidate’s number on the electoral list, or the election slogan. In case of less known candidates ID advertising was applied. This type of advertising was chosen among others by Udar party which had Witalij Kliczko on its posters recommending candidates for the representatives of his party. The individual formations advertised themselves both by presenting their achievements and electoral promises. This campaign was not free of negative advertising, including its comparative and comic forms. The 2012 Ukrainian parliamentary elections did not differ from any European parliamentary elections both in terms of the applied advertising forms and the richness of such forms.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14762

2

Communication in the Referendum Campaign as Exemplified by Free Broadcasts of the Entitled Entities on Polish Radio Lublin

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Łukasik-Turecka A.

Mediatization Studies

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2017

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vol. 1

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issue 1

EN

The present article seeks to answer the question whether the fact that during the referendum campaign in 2015 the entitled entities had the opportunity to utilize free broadcast time in order to promote their activity affected the dominance of such content over the content concerning the issues raised in the referendum questions.Information on politics is obtained mainly from the media; the mediatization of politics is also allowed by Polish legislation, which provides for the opportunity to use free broadcasts on public media inter alia during referendum campaigns by entitled political entities. However, the possibility of using the free broadcasting time for the purposes other than stipulated in the law was not provided for.The research material was the free referendum broadcasts of the entitled entities, aired by Radio Lublin S.A., the method applied being the content analysis (quantitative and qualitative).The main hypothesis, which assumed that the entitled entities used the allocated air time to promote themselves, inter alia through popularizing their names in the public space at the expense of the issues raised in the referendum questions, was positively verified as a result of research.

PL

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy fakt, że podczas kampanii referendalnej w 2015 roku uprawnione podmioty miały możliwość wykorzystania nieodpłatnego czasu antenowego w celu promocji własnej działalności, wpłynął na dominację tego rodzaju treści nad treściami dotyczących kwestii poruszonych w pytaniach referendalnych. Informacje na temat polityki czerpiemy głównie z mediów; w zjawisko mediatyzacji polityki wpisuje się również polski ustawodawca, który zapewnia uprawnionym podmiotom politycznym możliwość wykorzystania nieodpłatnych audycji w mediach publicznych m.in. w trakcie kampanii referendalnej. Nie przewidział on jednak możliwości wykorzystania nieodpłatnego czasu antenowego do innych celów niż zakłada ustawa. Materiałem badawczym były nieodpłatne audycje referendalne 30 uprawnionych podmiotów wyemitowane na antenie Radia Lublin S.A, zaś zastosowaną metodą była analiza zawartości (ilościowa i jakościowa).Hipoteza główna, zakładająca, że uprawnione podmioty wykorzystały przyznany im czas antenowy na promocję siebie m.in. poprzez zaistnienie w przestrzeni publicznej nazwy podmiotu kosztem wyjaśniania kwestii poruszonych w pytaniach referendalnych, w wyniku badań została zweryfikowana pozytywnie.

3

Komunikowanie w kampanii referendalnej na przykładzie nieodpłatnych audycji uprawnionych podmiotów w rozgłośni regionalnej Polskiego Radia

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Łukasik-Turecka A.

Mediatization Studies

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2017

|

vol. 1

EN

The present article seeks to answer the question whether the fact that during the referendum campaign in 2015 the entitled entities had the opportunity to utilize free broadcast time in order to promote their activity affected the dominance of such content over the content concerning the issues raised in the referendum questions.Information on politics is obtained mainly from the media; the mediatization of politics is also allowed by Polish legislation, which provides for the opportunity to use free broadcasts on public media inter alia during referendum campaigns by entitled political entities. However, the possibility of using the free broadcasting time for the purposes other than stipulated in the law was not provided for.The research material was the free referendum broadcasts of the entitled entities, aired by Radio Lublin S.A., the method applied being the content analysis (quantitative and qualitative).The main hypothesis, which assumed that the entitled entities used the allocated air time to promote themselves, inter alia through popularizing their names in the public space at the expense of the issues raised in the referendum questions, was positively verified as a result of research.

PL

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy fakt, że podczas kampanii referendalnej w 2015 roku uprawnione podmioty miały możliwość wykorzystania nieodpłatnego czasu antenowego w celu promocji własnej działalności, wpłynął na dominację tego rodzaju treści nad treściami dotyczących kwestii poruszonych w pytaniach referendalnych. Informacje na temat polityki czerpiemy głównie z mediów; w zjawisko mediatyzacji polityki wpisuje się również polski ustawodawca, który zapewnia uprawnionym podmiotom politycznym możliwość wykorzystania nieodpłatnych audycji w mediach publicznych m.in. w trakcie kampanii referendalnej. Nie przewidział on jednak możliwości wykorzystania nieodpłatnego czasu antenowego do innych celów niż zakłada ustawa. Materiałem badawczym były nieodpłatne audycje referendalne 30 uprawnionych podmiotów wyemitowane na antenie Radia Lublin S.A, zaś zastosowaną metodą była analiza zawartości (ilościowa i jakościowa).Hipoteza główna, zakładająca, że uprawnione podmioty wykorzystały przyznany im czas antenowy na promocję siebie m.in. poprzez zaistnienie w przestrzeni publicznej nazwy podmiotu kosztem wyjaśniania kwestii poruszonych w pytaniach referendalnych, w wyniku badań została zweryfikowana pozytywnie.

4

Metoda door-to-door i jej zastosowanie przez lubelskich radnych w trakcie kampanii wyborczej do Rady Miasta w 2010 r.

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Łukasik-Turecka A.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2013

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issue 1

263-280

EN

The paper concerns door-to-door canvassing and its use by Lublin councilors during the 2010 election campaign for the City Council. The results of the survey presented in the text show to what extent the method was applied by the winners in the elections. In February 2011 the author approached the councilors via the President of the Lublin City Council asking them to fill in a questionnaire on door-to-door canvassing. Twenty out of thirty one councilors returned the questionnaires, accounting for 64.5% of all the respondents. These questionnaires provided the research material for analysis.

5

Magdalena Gąsior-Marek kontra Joanna Mucha. Lubelskie dzienniki wobec konfliktu kandydatek do Sejmu w 2011 roku

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Łukasik-Turecka A.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2013

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issue 2

155-168

EN

The paper discusses the response of the media in the city of Lublin to a conflict of two candidates of the Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform) political party to the Polish parliament (Sejm): Magdalena Gąsior-Marek and Joanna Mucha. To a large extent, this conflict defined the 2011 election campaign in Lublin. The media, mainly local and regional printed press, followed the dispute between the two deputies-candidates. Both ladies, deputies in the sixth term of the parliament at the time, and in the seventh term at present, were well-known in the Lubelskie region but later came to be nationally known under peculiar circumstances. Magdalena Gąsior-Marek gained reputation when she gave flowers to Minister Cezary Grabarczyk after the opposition failed to depose him, while Joanna Mucha stirred controversy with her interview in a party magazine POg³os, where she addressed the issue of applying certain medical procedures to the elderly. The conflict of the two candidates concentrated around the Civic Platform electoral list in the Lubelskie region and the places assigned to both ladies on this list with G¹sior-Marek coming first and Mucha – second. The paper attempts to answer a question of to what extent the involvement of journalists in the presentation of the conflict followed from their need to provide information to electors, and to what extent it meant taking one of the sides.

6

Od przywódcy lokalnego do przywódcy partyjnego. Studium przypadku Janusza Palikota

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Łukasik-Turecka A.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2013

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vol. 38

172-182

EN

Janusz Palikot is a politician and a former businessman, a Member of Parliament of the People’s Republic of Poland for the V, VI and VII terms. His biography is a string of challenges he continually faces. Palikot eagerly tells about his road to success in business and politics clearly underlining the turning points in his career. Such moments characterised his business activity in which he achieved his successes. A turning point in his professional life was also departing from business and starting political activity in which he moved up his career ladder first in the Civic Platform (Platforma Obywatelska), achieving the position of district leader in a short time, and afterwards establishing his own party and becoming its leader. Janusz Palikot’s ambitions concerning his political activity seem to be not less important than those of his business activity time. Is the leadership of the party to which he lent his name only the next and by no means the last stage in his career? Time will tell.

7

Nieodpłatne audycje wyborcze w publicznym radiu jako narzędzie komunikowania polskich partii politycznych w kampaniach wyborczych

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Łukasik-Turecka A.

Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis

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2015

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vol. 15

PL

Abstract: Free election broadcasts on public radio as a communication tool of polish political parties in election campaigns The purpose of the present paper is to show how the Polish political parties utilize free election broadcasts in the process of political communication during election campaigns. The research material was free election broadcasts aired on the Lublin Radio S.A. [PLC] during election campaigns in Poland between 2011 and 2014, the research method being content analysis and comparative analysis. The article explains the legal aspect of free election broadcasts, presents the ways of using the broadcast time by the authorized election committees as part of free election broadcasts, discusses the errors committed by election committees when preparing auditory election spots, and it shows what should be changed so that political parties could communicate more effectively with their voters through free election broadcasts on public radio. Key words: free election broadcasts, process of political communication, election campaigns, election spots

8

Audytywna reklama wyborcza – przeżytek czy konieczność?

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Łukasik-Turecka A.

Zeszyty Prasoznawcze

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2015

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vol. 58

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issue 1

167-175

EN

Auditory election advertising – relic or necessity?In light of the selection criteria for the media for broadcasting advertisements, radio satisfies only some of them. These include: the possibility of repeating the message, low unit cost of the opportunity to hear the message or the mood in which the message is received. These criteria seem especially created for the radio as an advertising medium, including election advertisements. On the other hand, the radio satisfies the following criteria only to a negligible extent: probability that the message will be noticed or duration of the product life cycle. The satisfaction of the remaining criteria largely depends on the character of a radio station. Nevertheless, it seems that the advantages of auditory (radio) election advertising and the radio itself as its medium defend it against its total elimination from the tools of political communication during election campaigns. Auditory (radio) advertising will never again be the principal medium but rather one that will accompany other campaign activities. Yet it is still so significant that few will deliberately give it up.

9

Stosunek elektoratu do radiowych reklam wyborczych

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Łukasik-Turecka A.

Political Preferences

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2014

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issue 8

51-60

EN

The surveys conducted in the autumn of 2013 show that most of those surveyed pay no attention to election advertisements aired on the radio. The greatest percentage of persons not interested in radio election advertisements are followers of the Left Democratic Alliance (Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) – 74.4%. An equally large percentage of people who are not interested in radio election advertising was reported among those polled who declared they would not vote if the election for the Sejm was held next Sunday - 74%. Followers of the Your Movement [Twój Ruch] coalition and supporters of other parties than those named above also pay little attention to radio election advertising – in both categories this percentage is 68.4% each. Out of the Civic Platform [Platforma Obywatelska, PO] supporters as many as 67.3 % of those surveyed are not interested in radio election advertisements, while among the Law and Justice [Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS] followers the percentage of those not interested in election advertisements on the radio is 65.8%. The lowest percentage (although also exceeding 60%) of people not paying attention to radio election advertisements was reported among supporters of the Polish People’s Party [Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, PSL] – 64%. Taking into account the results of surveys concerning ideological views, the highest percentage of persons not interested in radio election advertisements are those surveyed who define their views as left-wing – 76.7%. A slightly smaller percentage of persons not interested in radio election advertisements was reported among those surveyed who defined their views as centrist – 71.6%, while the percentage of those surveyed defining their views as right-wing and not interested in this type of advertising was 65.8%. Out of those who find it difficult to define their views the percentage of people not interested in radio election advertisements is 67.3%. The survey results also show that election advertisements aired on the radio do not have any effect on the voting decisions of the majority of those surveyed. This form of political communication has the smallest influence on the Democratic Left Alliance supporters – as many as 80 % of those polled and declaring themselves as followers of this party believe that radio election advertising has no effect on their voting decisions. The percentage of persons who believe that election advertisements on the radio do not influence their voting decisions is also high in the case of the other categories of those surveyed. In the case of the supporters of other parties than those mentioned, this percentage is 79.8%; for those who would not vote if the election was held on the nearest Sunday – 78,7%, while for the PO, PSL, PiS and Your Movement supporters: 77.8%, 72.1%, 71.4% and 73.6% respectively. In the case of the survey results regarding ideological views, the highest percentage of those surveyed who believe that radio election advertisements do not have any impact on their voting decisions was reported among persons who define their views as centrist – 82.2%, and not much lower among those defining their views as left-wing – 81.7%. The smallest percentage of those who believe that radio election advertisements do not influence their voting decisions was reported among the persons defining their views as right-wing – 74.6% and among those who find it difficult to define their views – 72.2%.

10

Stosunek elektoratu do rozwiązań ustawowych wyrównujących szanse kobiet i mężczyzn w obsadzaniu list wyborczych

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Łukasik-Turecka A.

Political Preferences

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2013

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issue 6

47-59

EN

The research carried out allowed to look at social assessment of both already implemented statutory quotas and the proposed gender parity on electoral lists. The findings of the research showed that over half of the surveyed left-wing political party-in-the-electorate acknowledged the implementation of statutory quotas as reasonable and the proposal of introducing gender parity on the electoral lists as worth-implementing (Palikot’s Movement – 42.2% and Democratic Left Alliance – 37.9%). Among the Civic Platform and Polish People’s Party adherents a substantial percentage are the adherents of quotas rather than gender parity (Civic Platform – 44.1% and 38.9% respectively, Polish People’s Party – 48.7% i 34.2% respectively) but there are substantially fewer adversaries of this solution. At the same time among the adversaries of Law and Justice only 35.6% acknowledge the solution implemented as reasonable whereas only 35.5% consider the proposal for introducing gender parity as worth-implementing. Nevertheless the percentage of adversaries of such solutions is even smaller – in the case of quotas it is 28.1% and in the case of gender parity – 35.1%. The rest of the Law and Justice adversaries do not have an opinion on this issue. The division into adherents and adversaries of the decision about implementing statutory quotas or proposals for gender parity with reference to ideological views is even clearer. Among the respondents expressing their views as leftwing more than half of them acknowledge the implementation of quotas as reasonable (51%) and 38.5% consider the proposals for gender parity as worthimplementing. 48% of the persons sympathising with the centre were in favour of quotas, while 34% were for gender parity. On the other hand among the respondents defining their views as right-wing only 31.8% acknowledged the implementation of statutory quotas as reasonable whereas 29.8% considered the proposal for gender parity as worth-implementing. It is worth-emphasising that irrespective of political sympathies the respondents assess the implemented statutory quotas much favourably than the proposal for implementing gender parity on electoral lists.

11

Sprawozdanie z webinarium pt. Eksperci w mediach – interpretatorzy, tłumacze rzeczywistości czy aktorzy komunikowania politycznego?

100%

Łukasik-Turecka A.

Studia i Analizy Nauk o Polityce

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2021

|

issue 1

PL

.

12

Radiowa reklama wyborcza - polecać czy odradzać (uwagi politologa)

100%

Łukasik-Turecka A.

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2014

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vol. 6(42)

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issue 1

95-109

EN

It appears that during an election campaign no one who treats his electoral contest seriously should give up any instrument of communicating with their electorate, even one as apparently ineffective as radio advertising. Bearing in mind the flaws of radio election advertising that arise mainly from the medium which the radio is, i.e. the necessity of receiving the message only through the sense of hearing, the habit of listening to the radio while doing other activities, and difficulties in discerning the content important to the sponsors of a particular advertisement, as well as the high fragmentation of the market and the audience of widely dispersed listeners, the advantages of this tool should also be remembered. Because radio can be listened to practically everywhere, radio advertising has wider chance to be “received” by the listener. It seems that to guarantee the efficacy of advertising based only on sound message one has to remember David Ogilvy’s principles and to meet the requirements presented by McLeish: formulate the thesis of an advertisement, write the right text, choose the appropriate voice and way of speaking, select right music and special effects, and, with some reservation here, see to it that there is some humour in the advertisement. The risk associated with expenses incurred for this communication tool can be further diminished if we decide to air radio election advertisements only as part of free election broadcasts on the programmes of Polish Radio and its regional stations. However, we should remember that not all times of election advertising broadcasts are optimal for their ordering parties. Regardless of the broadcasting time and whether we choose paid advertising or take the opportunity of having free broadcasts as part of election programmes on the public radio, the fundamental aspect of effective radio election advertising is its interesting form and content.

PL

Wydaje się, że w okresie kampanii wyborczej nikt, kto poważnie traktuje swoją walkę wyborczą, nie powinien rezygnować z jakiegokolwiek narzędzia komunikowania się z wyborcami, nawet tak, wydawałoby się nieskutecznego, jakim jest reklama radiowa. Pamiętając o wadach radiowej reklamy wyborczej, wynikających głównie z nośnika, jakim jest radio, a więc o konieczności odbioru treści jedynie przy użyciu zmysłu słuchu, zwyczaju słuchania radia przy okazji wykonywania innych czynności, a także trudnościach w wychwyceniu treści na których zależy sponsorom reklamy i wysokiej fragmentacji rynku oraz rozproszeniu odbiorców, należy pamiętać o zaletach tego narzędzia. W związku z tym, że radia możemy słuchać praktyczne wszędzie, również i radiowa reklama wyborcza ma przez to większe szanse być „odebraną” przez słuchacza. Wydaje się, że gwarancją skuteczności reklamy opartej jedynie na dźwięku jest pamiętanie o przykazaniach Oglivy i spełnienie wszystkich wymogów przedstawionych przez McLeisha, a więc sformułowanie tezy reklamy, prawidłowe napisanie tekstu, wybór odpowiedniego głosu i sposobu mówienia, dobór odpowiedniej muzyki i efektów specjalnych, a także, tu z pewnym zastrzeżeniem, zadbanie o humor w reklamie. Ryzyko związane z wydatkami poniesionymi na to narzędzie komunikowania możemy dodatkowo zmniejszyć decydując się na emisję radiowych reklam wyborczych jedynie w ramach nieodpłatnych audycji wyborczych w programach Polskiego Radia i jego regionalnych rozgłośniach, pamiętając jednak, że nie wszystkie pory emisji reklam wyborczych są optymalne dla ich nadawców. Bez względu jednak na porę emisji i na fakt, czy zdecydujemy się na płatną reklamę, czy skorzystamy z możliwości nieodpłatnych emisji w ramach audycji wyborczych w radiu publicznym, podstawą skutecznej radiowej reklamy wyborczej jest jej ciekawa forma i treść.

13

Kobiety w jednostkach samorządu terytorialnego w dobie debaty nad parytetami i kwotami

100%

Łukasik-Turecka A.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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2013

|

vol. 5(41)

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issue 1

73-85

EN

The fact of continuous though small increase in both the number of women candidates and the number of women elected in particular elections pleases those for whom the participation of women in government in general is an important matter. The issue which seems to be of particular importance is that of women’s participation in local government. It is just this level at which decisions, concerning education and health service – the areas run and dominated mainly by women, are taken. Thus it seems natural to demand that more women are allowed to co-decide on areas in which they are normally active. Women’s chances of functioning in politics at the local government level seem to be big. The character of activities at the local government level, a possibility of reconciling political activity with performing other social roles, and a greater social acceptance of women’s activity at the local government level give a chance for women’s activity in this area.

14

Kwoty na listach wyborczych w 2011 roku. Przedwyborcza debata zwolenników i przeciwników parytetów

100%

Łukasik-Turecka A.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

|

2012

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vol. 4(40)

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issue 3

127-138

EN

Held in June 2009, the Women’s Congress gave rise to a civic project of an act that would guarantee the candidates in the parliamentary elections an equal share in the political representation on the electoral lists. This project evoked a medial debate on the issue of parity in political representation. The debate lasted for a year and a half, granting both sides enough time to presents their lines of argumentation. The supporters of the idea of parity focused on the notion of social justice, social benefits from the use the resource of women’s aptitudes and competences, and on covering by political action of those areas of social life that had already been ignored by men. The opponents, on the other hand, pointed out that the idea of parity meant another top-down, despotic intervention in the statistic figures relating to the Polish society. This social action was also claimed to cause the danger of a never-ending spiral of conflicted claims and demands of newer and newer social groups. First and foremost, the idea of parity was said to ridicule the women-politicians, since it produced an image of a woman who is not capable of reaching political success without support. The medial debate moved from the press to the Polish parliament. The debate ended in a rise in the parity quota for the Polish parliamentary system to 35 per cent. When signed by the President of Poland, the new law became effective for the elections for the Polish and the European Parliaments, commune and district councils as well as provincial diets. The guaranteed 35 per cent did not bring about any significant increase in the presence of women in the Polish parliament. The percentage of their political representation in the parliament rose from 20 to 23 per cent.

15

Party elites vs. the other candidates in Public Radio’s free election broadcasts

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Łukasik-Turecka A.

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2015

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vol. 7(43)

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issue 3

67-84

EN

The goal of the article was to show how the authorized election committees which registered their tickets in the Lublin region before the elections for the European Parliament in 2014 used their allotted broadcast time on the Polish Radio Lublin station and what was the criterion for division of the broadcast time among individual candidates. The study sought to find whether the committees preferred party elites by allotting most of broadcast time to them, or whether the allotted time was proportionally divided among all candidates. The research results did not conclusively show that the party elites were favored at the expense of the rest of the candidates. This is clearly seen only in the case of Coalition Election Committee Europe Plus Your Movement [Europa Plus Twój Ruch]. In the case of two election committees: Election Committee [EC] Law and Justice [Prawo i Sprawiedliwość] and EC Polish People’s Party [Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe] the leaders appeared in each broadcast twice as often as compared with the other candidates, beginning and ending the broadcast; nevertheless the rest of the time was proportionately distributed between the other candidates. Four election committees: EC Janusz Korwin-Mikke’s New Right [Nowa Prawica Janusza Korwin-Mikke], EC Zbigniew Ziobro’s Solidary Poland [Solidarna Polska], EC of Voters National Movement [Ruch Narodowy] and EC Direct Democracy [Demokracja Bezpośrednia] decided to use the allotted broadcast time for statements of the party leader or a representative speaking on behalf of all candidates or for a narrator; however, in each case the speaker did not introduce himself and did not promote his own candidacy, which should be treated as the promotion of the entire ticket rather than its leader only. In the other cases, the materials of those who provided their own materials on time were broadcast.

PL

Celem artykułu było ukazanie, w jaki sposób uprawnione komitety wyborcze, które wystawiły swoje listy na Lubelszczyźnie przed wyborami do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2014 r., wykorzystały przyznany im czas antenowy w lubelskiej rozgłośni Polskiego Radia i jakie było kryterium podziału czasu między poszczególnych kandydatów. Badano, czy komitety preferowały elity partyjne, przyznając im gros czasu antenowego, czy też przyznany czas dzielono proporcjonalnie między wszystkich kandydatów. Wyniki badań nie wskazały jednoznacznie na faworyzowanie elit partyjnych kosztem pozostałych kandydatów. Wyraźnie widać to jedynie w przypadku KKW Europa Plus Twój Ruch. W przypadku dwóch komitetów wyborczych, KW Prawo i Sprawiedliwość i KW Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe liderzy występowali dwukrotnie częściej w każdej audycji w porównaniu z innymi kandydatami, rozpoczynając audycję i ją kończąc, niemniej jednak pozostały czas rozdano proporcjonalnie między pozostałymi kandydatami. Cztery komitety wyborcze: KW Nowa Prawica Janusza Korwin-Mikkego, KW Solidarna Polska Zbigniewa Ziobro, KWW Ruch Narodowy i KW Demokracja Bezpośrednia przyznany czas antenowy zdecydowały się przeznaczyć wyłącznie lub prawie wyłącznie na wypowiedzi lidera ugrupowania bądź przedstawiciela wypowiadającego się w imieniu wszystkich czy też lektora, jednak w każdym z tych przypadków osoba wypowiadająca nie przedstawiała się i nie reklamowała własnej kandydatury, co należy traktować jako promocję całej listy, nie tylko jej lidera. W pozostałych przypadkach emitowano materiały osób, które na czas dostarczyły własne materiały.

16

Wstęp

51%

Łukasik-Turecka A., Piskorska B., Zaręba A.

Studia i Analizy Nauk o Polityce

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2020

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issue 1

9-19

EN

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Research into the Conditions of Political Attitudes within the Project “Political Preferences: Attitude – Identification – Behavior”

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Plecka D., Turska-Kawa A., Musiał-Karg M., Tybuchowska-Hartlińska K., Łukasik-Turecka A., Alberski R., Wojtasik W.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2014

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vol. 44

177-182

PL

Badania identyfikacji, postaw i zachowań wyborczych należą do najpopularniejszych płaszczyzn analizowania politycznej partycypacji obywateli. Prezentowany tekst jest raportem z badań realizowanych w ramach projektu “Political preferences: Attitude – Identification – Behavior” w latach 2009–2014. Omawia on główne założenia i kierunki badawcze, stosowane narzędzia oraz uzyskane wyniki. Przedstawiany projekt badawczy ma charakter ogólnopolski i jest realizowany na reprezentatywnej próbie wyborców.

EN

Research on electoral identifications and attitudes and voting behavior is among the most popular planes of analysis of the citizens’ political participation. The presented article is a report from research carried out in the framework of the project “Political Preferences: Attitude – Identification – Behavior” in 2009 – 2014. It discusses the main assumptions and research directions, the tools used and, finally, the results obtained in the project. The presented research project is of a nationwide character, and is conducted on a representative sample of voters.

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Wstęp

Research into the Conditions of Political Attitudes within the Project “Political Preferences: Attitude – Identification – Behavior”