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EN
The paper aims to account for the fact that negative adverbials of manner, degree, and frequency (the so-called exclusive expressions) are obligatorily focussed, unlike their positive counterparts (the so-called inclusive phrases). The behaviour of inclusive and exclusive adverbials is understood on the basis of the behaviour of noun phrases containing a numeral modifier. It is shown that an expression like '3 children' can mean '3 or more children' in every sentence position except the focus slot. This well-known semantic property of numeral quantifiers holds for the whole class of scalar modifiers. That is, if n is a scalar element, it can be understood as 'n or more'; hence a sentence involving n remains true also if the value of n is replaced by a higher value (e.g. the sentence 'I have read five books' remains true also if I have actually read ten books). It is argued that in the case of scalar elements in the negative domain of a bidirectional scale, the replacement of the value of n with a higher value may result in a semantic anomaly (thus in the case of 'I have read few books' the value of 'few' cannot be replaced with the value of 'many'). The replacement of the value of a scalar element with a higher value can be prevented by the focussing of the scalar element, given that focussing involves the exclusion of all alternatives but the one named by the focussed phrase. This is why exclusive adverbials, also representing scalar expressions, must be focussed.
EN
This paper discusses the behavior of negative pronouns in a generative framework. It intends to account for their possible word order, as well as their interpretation and prosody (stressed vs. unstressed occurrence) in the various positions. The generative theory of language maintains that word order, semantic interpretation and prosody are all dependent on syntactic structure. What we have to determine, then, is the structural position of negative pronouns. - The main claims of this paper are as follows: se-pronouns are quantifiers left- or right-adjoined (Q-raised) to NegP, subjected to negative concord. In the preverbal part of the sentence, their word order automatically follows from their syntactic position (they are left-adjacent to the negative particle). When right-adjoined to NegP, they participate in optional reordering in he phonological component. They carry stress except when occurring within the scope of focus or negation in their surface position; in the latter case, they are destressed. They are universal or existential quantifiers (depending on their specificity feature). The particle sem 'neither' is ambiguous: it may represent the negative particle, or else it can be a 'minimalizing modifier', the counterpart of is 'also' in a negative context. Sem functions as a negative particle if no other negative particle occurs in the portion of the sentence that precedes it.
EN
In this paper, the authoress analyses the Old Hungarian tense system in the framework of Universal Grammar. In this analysis, the OH verb form mond 'says' represents Simple Present, monda 'said' is Simple Past, mondott 'has said' stands for Present Perfect, mond vala 'was saying' is an instance of Past Imperfective, and mondott vala 'had said' is that of Past Perfect. That is, she assumes that -t, -tt was not a past tense marker in OH but rather that of perfective aspect; the past tense marker was -a/-e. She argues that the OH tense system was a typical instance of 'complex tense systems' marking both external time and the internal temporal structure of situations, i.e., marking both tense and aspect. The similarity between the Old Hungarian and Latin tense systems is not a contact phenomenon, the result of some medieval Latinate influence; merely Old Hungarian and Latin select their means of expressing tense and aspect from the same set of limited possibilities determined by Universal Grammar. Finally, the authoress surveys the change that took place in the Middle Hungarian period with respect to the verbal morphosyntax of Hungarian. Whereas Old Hungarian marked viewpoint aspect morphologically, Modern Hungarian represents a language type in which the marking of situation aspect is grammaticalized. As a reflex of this change, the PredP projection, hosting the verbal particle, took over the role of aspect marking; the earlier aspect suffix was reinterpreted as a tense marker; and the OH tense marker was eliminated from the language.
EN
Janos Foldi (1755-1801), a doctor by profession, was a prominent member of a great generation of Hungarian writers, poets and grammarians in the age of Enlightenment, fighting for the use of Hungarian in science and education. His main goal was to establish the Hungarian terminology of natural sciences. Preparing for that task, he wrote the first comprehensive grammar of Hungarian in Hungarian, thereby also creating the Hungarian terminology of linguistics. The paper summarizes the results and deficiencies of Foldi's grammar (including a study on Hungarian versification). Foldi was also the first to publish a Hungarian zoology, and a book on the principles of compiling the Hungarian terminology of botany. His terminological proposals are also discussed and evaluated.
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