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EN
Main themes of the article presented below circle around few basic questions. First – what attributes tell about one state’s international power status? Second – are we allowed to bring up the subject of international powers emerging from Asia--Pacifi c, and if so: which state should be considered as one? Of course, China and Republic of India are being considered in fi rst place, but Japan and ASEAN states might play an important role as well. Also, one should not forget about USA stance towards the region. The article below was written under infl uence of two scientifi c paradigms: realistic (where comparison of measurable factors plays key role in the process) and constructivist, which puts the stress on relations and network of dependancies between actors of political scene.
PL
W niniejszej publikacji Autor analizuje poszczególne cechy współczesnej mocarstwowości. Dokonuje jej przy wykorzystaniu dwóch paradygmatów: realistycznego, w którym największą rolę odgrywa porównanie czynników mierzalnych, oraz konstruktywistycznego, gdzie największą wagę przykłada się do wzajemnych relacji oraz sieci zależności pomiędzy aktorami sceny politycznej. Analiza ta jest tłem do odpowiedzi na zasadnicze pytanie: czy w regionie Azji i Pacyfi ku funkcjonują państwa o statusie mocarstwa międzynarodowego i czy tak traktowane przez społeczność międzynarodową kraje zasługują na to miano? Ocenie tej poddane zostaną Chiny, Republika Indii, Japonia oraz organizacja ponadnarodowa, jaką jest ASEAN. Autor uwzględnia również specyfi czną rolę Stanów Zjednoczonych.
EN
The article provides with a defi nition of the notion of international safety in the theory of constructivism. The authors presents the main confl icts which are connected with the understanding of security, the role of actors in the forming of national order, common mechanisms for particular entities and the possibilities of their impacts on the safety processes.
PL
W artykule dokonano zdefiniowania pojęcia bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowew ujęciu teorii konstruktywistycznej. Przedstawiono w nim główne spory dotyczące pojmowania bezpieczeństwa, roli aktorów w kreowaniu ładu pokojowego, mechanizmów łączących poszczególne podmioty oraz możliwości ich oddziaływania na procesy bezpieczeństwa. Autor dokonuje również oceny możliwości oraz pułapek, jakie stawia przed badaczem stosowanie teorii konstruktywizmu do badań nad problematyką bezpieczeństwa.
PL
The Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country’s ratio legis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groups of interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceive as a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energy industry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU’s directives, reducing the energy prices or achieving independence from supplies brought in from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Think tanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presented by M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polish energy policy and they aim at influencing the government and other political bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank’s set of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoretical approach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitations of subjects from the “third sector” in their interaction with administrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limited by the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic (legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by example of Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) party, they are capable of influencing the program through participation in the works of the “shadow cabinet” and persuading the party members to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenance on hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda, which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debate on the MP’s side.
EN
The Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country’s ratio legis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groups of interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceive as a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energy industry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU’s directives, reducing the energy prices or achieving independence from supplies brought in from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Think tanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presented by M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polish energy policy and they aim at influencing the government and other political bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank’s set of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoretical approach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitations of subjects from the “third sector” in their interaction with administrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limited by the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic (legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by example of Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) party, they are capable of influencing the program through participation in the works of the “shadow cabinet” and persuading the party members to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenance on hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda, which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debate on the MP’s side.The Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country’s ratiolegis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groupsof interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceiveas a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energyindustry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU’s directives, reducingthe energy prices or achieving independence from supplies broughtin from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Thinktanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presentedby M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polishenergy policy and they aim at influencing the government and otherpolitical bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank’sset of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoreticalapproach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitationsof subjects from the “third sector” in their interaction withadministrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limitedby the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic(legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by exampleof Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość)party, they are capable of influencing the program through participationin the works of the “shadow cabinet” and persuading the partymembers to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenanceon hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda,which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debateon the MP’s side.
4
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Securitization of Energy Security in Central Asia

51%
PL
This paper reviews the contemporary theoretical approaches to the subjects of international security policy and energy security. Apart from discussing the theory of securitization, especially in context of a theoretical debate between representatives of political realism and constructivism, key research dilemmas, concerning the defining of energy security and crucial security threats, will be presented as well. Second part of the paper contains a short description of international politics in the Central Asia, with particular reference to presentation of politics of the regional political powers and the post-Soviet republics. It is followed by presentation of securitizing actions of those subjects taken in the field of energy security. Among presented contexts of those actions are following issues: development of drilling infrastructure, security of transport, conflicts concerning access to alternative energy sources and political power game in presented region.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14762
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