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EN
The aim of the paper is to analyse the key issues in Polish-French relations in the field of science and education in the 1970s. The paper is based on an analysis of archival materials gathered as a result of a search in French and Polish archives. The analysis has shown that the political transformations in the 1970s (due to detente in international relations) resulted in an ongoing process of extending contacts between institutions and individuals engaged in scientific and scholarly activity in the two countries. As for education, a constant problem related to the question of teaching Polish in France. The analysis also points to the main problems relating to the functioning of the Centre de Civilisation Française at the University of Warsaw, of the French Reading Rooms in Warsaw and Cracow, as well as the that of the Scientific Center of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Paris. The overall conclusion of the paper is that in the period in question a lot of progress was made in the field of Polish-French scientific and educational ties compared to the previous decades. A limited opening towards the West, one of the keystone elements of Edward Gierek's foreign policy, bore fruit in much wider opportunities for exchanges of scientists and students, as well as of secondary school pupils. Impediments to the development of such contacts came mainly from the decreasing financial possibilities of the departments and institutions involved. It also seems that Poland was not regarded in France as a very attractive partner in scientific and scholarly exchange. This, however, does not mean that there were no areas in scientific and scholarly contacts in which collaboration proceeded very fruitfully. Nonetheless, the precise determination of the scale of such collaboration will require further, more specialized research.
EN
In Poland the 1980s were a time of a drastic limitation of housing construction. In contrast to 1978 - 'a record year', when as many as 248 000 homes were built, in 1982 their number dropped to 186 000. A flat remained a much desired and deficit commodity, and the non-fulfilment of requirements in this particular domain was regarded as crucial. The paths towards acquiring a home could be divided into two basic types: 1. routine - from the viewpoint of the then prevailing socio-economic system; 2. active ways of bypassing queues of applicants and/or accelerating the settlement of an allotment. The range of each of those approaches included numerous 'sub-types' whose frequency of application depended on the activity and policies of the authorities and the aspirants. The routine path involved waiting for an allotment after having fulfilled all the conditions demanded by legal regulations. The binding rules foresaw, primarily, the presentation of suitable documents confirming the income, describing heretofore-living conditions, and, in the case of cooperatives, verifying an appropriate input. Cooperative housing was the most universal form of meeting the existing needs. A considerably lesser role was played by investments made by various workplaces. National council estates, intended for the poorest, were suspended in 1976 and revived in 1983 as so-called communal housing, but their part in satisfying the requirements remained slight. The housing deficit was the reason why a growing role was assumed by assorted procedures of a semi-legal or outright illegal acquisition of flats. The 1980s witnessed also the emergence of new social initiatives aimed at increasing the scale of housing. These new impulses, however, were incapable of alleviating the 'housing shortage' in People's Poland.
EN
The article describes the attitude of the communist authorities in Poland towards the shortage of meat and their methods used to prevent this situation while simultaneously retaining the principles of the ruling system. The analysis is based on documents of the central Party authorities as well as those of the not a few state ministries and central offices. The ensuing findings show that food shortages were universal in post-1945 Poland and an analysis of documents indicate that there was not a single period in the history of the People's Republic of Poland when social needs relating to the consumption of meat and meat products were met. It does not mean that the shortages had not been tackled and the measures taken may be divided into two groups: those which increased meat supplies and those which limited the demand. The socially 'more lenient' versions consisted predominantly of creating conditions for the development of agricultural production and the food industry which included a gradual departure from the system of obligatory supplies of farm produce, including livestock (from 1972), a periodic increase in the price of contracted pigs and cattle, and the import of means necessary for farm and meat production. The socially more burdensome versions entailed primarily the introduction of compulsory supplies and penalties for refusing to fulfil this duty. The most moderate method of limiting demand for meat and meat products was to stimulate the consumption of other food commodities and industrial articles.The accompanying administratively-restrictive measures included meatless days (introduced already in 1946) and the so-called meatless Mondays in the Gomulka-era (from 1959). Direct rationing of pertinent supplies proved to be much more effective. The most onerous method of reducing demand for meat involved raising its price, which frequently became one of the direct causes of social unrest in Poland (December 1970, June 1976, July-August 1980). The shortage of meat and meat products encouraged the commitment of crimes and abuse. The tendency to penalise the perpetrators was expressed most spectacularly in the period from 1963 to 1965. One of the accused, Stanislaw Wawrzecki, was sentenced to death and executed on 19 March 1965. This leads to the conclusion that meat shortages in the People's Republic of Poland generated particular tension in relations between the authorities and society. The communist authorities considered the accessibility of staple foods to be a condition for social peace.The doctrinal impossibility of introducing a free-market mechanism compelled them to resort to the steps analysed in the article.
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