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THE UNITED STATES, RIBBENTROP-MOLOTOV PACT AND THE FATE OF THE BALTIC REPUBLICS: LITHUANIA, LATVIA AND ESTONIA (1939-1941) (Stany Zjednoczone wobec paktu Ribbentrop-Molotow i losu republik baltyckich: Litwy, Lotwy i Estonii (1939-1941))

100%

Marczewska-Zagdanska H.

Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

2008

vol. 43

90-116

The Baltic republics occupied a rather distant or outright peripheral place in American policy during the interwar period. After the First World War Washington did not immediately recognize their independence, and initially was inclined to refuse to recognize Soviet Russia and thus the division of the Russian empire. Only after 1922, when the line of the non-recognition of new Russian frontiers was abandoned, did it become possible to officially recognize Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia and to institute diplomatic agencies. The nomination of president F. D. Roosevelt in 1933 and the establishment of diplomatic relations with Moscow did not comprise a fundamental breakthrough in the treatment of the Baltic states. nonetheless, in its capacity as a buffer zone between Germany and Russia, this region increasingly attracted the attention of the White House (the mission of ambassador J. Davies in 1937 aimed at becoming acquainted with local relations and moods). The first significant signal of looming German-Soviet rivalry along the Baltic was Hitler's annexation of Memel in 1939. owing to the small size of the controversial territory and its slight significance Washington remained rather indifferent, with Secretary of State Hull issuing only an enigmatic declaration. America paid greater attention to observing and analyzing the maneuvers carried out by Moscow, especially from the moment when Litvinov - an adherent of collective security - was replaced by Molotov (1938). The Franco-British-Soviet debates, albeit dominated by demands made by the Kremlin, intent on creating a Soviet protectorate, were received in Washington with hopes for an anti-German alliance, with Roosevelt in favour of not interrupting the negotiations. nonetheless, the American president did not appear to be surprised by news about the signing of the German-Soviet pact. Washington had been receiving information about the talks conducted by Berlin and Moscow and the secret clauses of the pact. Hoping for a rapid dissolution of the new alliance, the Americans decided to avoid decisive steps. When in the autumn of 1939 the Kremlin forced the Baltic republics to set up Soviet military bases and to sign 'mutual assistance' treaties, official American reactions still remained restrained, cautious and extremely balanced, and showed appreciation for Soviet efforts at creating a strategic defensive zone against Germany. The ultimate incorporation of the Baltic countries into the Soviet union forced the Roosevelt administration to express a more concrete reaction (the Welles declaration of 23 July 1940). nevertheless, the subsequent Wellesumansky talks did not bring about any changes in the stands represented by both parties. The Baltic region played a humble part in the presidential campaign of 1940, with only a few politicians, such as former president Hoover, criticizing the stance assumed by Washington. true, the Atlantic charter of august 1940 made clear mention of the right of all nations to regain their independence which they had lost due to force, but after the German invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941 its realization became very difficult in view of the territorial demands made by Stalin, now an ally of the Anglo-American powers. The American principle of the non-recognition of territorial changes in wartime was slowly relegated by the principle of postponing all discussions until the end of armed operations.

THE COUNCIL OF FOREIGN RELATIONS AND THE 'FOREIGN AFFAIRS' QUARTERLY AS A DISCUSSION, ADVISORY AND OPINION-MAKING FORUM IN AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY FROM WOODROW WILSON TO FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT (Polish title - below)

100%

Marczewska-Zagdanska H.

Dzieje Najnowsze

2009

issue 1

3-21

(Title in Polish - 'Council of Foreign Relations oraz kwartalnik 'Foreign Affairs' jako forum dyskusyjne, doradcze i opiniotwórcze w amerykanskiej polityce zagranicznej od Woodrow Wilsona do Franklina D. Roosevelta) The Council on Foreign Relations and its periodical 'Foreign Affairs' - with their uninterrupted more than 80-years long history - comprise an astonishing phenomenon in American policy. Today frequently described as the 'heart of the American Establishment', an 'unofficial exlusive club' or a 'presidium guiding destiny of the nation', its roots go back to the World War I the conceptions launched by Woodrow Wilson. The founders of the Council included a group of experts and specialists from 'The Inquiry', which supplemented the American delegation at the Paris peace conference. It was precisely in France in 1919 that an informal British-French meeting held at the Majestic Hotel witnessed the establishment of the Institute of International Relations, with a seat in New York, and parallel in London. The initially modest statutory tasks were limited to an exchange of knowledge and views in the course of closed sessions held only by the members of the club. In time, the circle of the lecturers included American politicians and statesmen (lectures by American secretaries of state became a basic principle) as well as invited foreign guests, i. a. Prime Ministers and ministers of foreign affairs. The Council also set up several discussion groups for following and analyzing international current affairs. In September 1922 the Council started publishing the quarterly 'Foreign Affairs', which comprised a unique and universally accessible forum for an exchange of thoughts and views concerning American foreign policy and the international situation. The quarterly was open to all politicians, economists, and publicists, not only from home but also from abroad. The Council issued the Political Handbook and the annual 'Survey of American Foreign Relations', replaced by 'The United States in World Affairs', as well as brochures, books and propaganda material. It also expanded a library and reading rooms. Considerable organizational and programme changes were introduced in the 1930s, after with the assumption of power by the Franklin D. Roosevelt Administration. From the very beginning of his term in office, the new resident at the White House made skilful use of the intellectual and financial potential of the Council. Mutual cooperation became increasingly noticeable. Members of the Council began to serve as experts and advisers on numerous current issues, such as neutrality legislation, the role of raw materials in international relations, or economic self-sufficiency. This activity was expanded so as to include regional committees. Attendance at international conferences was on the rise. The same holds true for symposia held at home for students, researchers and businessmen.

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1 Dzieje Najnowsze

1 Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

2 Marczewska-Zagdanska H.

1 2009

1 2008

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THE UNITED STATES, RIBBENTROP-MOLOTOV PACT AND THE FATE OF THE BALTIC REPUBLICS: LITHUANIA, LATVIA AND ESTONIA (1939-1941) (Stany Zjednoczone wobec paktu Ribbentrop-Molotow i losu republik baltyckich: Litwy, Lotwy i Estonii (1939-1941))

THE COUNCIL OF FOREIGN RELATIONS AND THE 'FOREIGN AFFAIRS' QUARTERLY AS A DISCUSSION, ADVISORY AND OPINION-MAKING FORUM IN AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY FROM WOODROW WILSON TO FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT (Polish title - below)