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Kanony Euzebiusza z Cezarei w Ewangeliarzu Anastazji z XII wieku

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Misiarczyk L.
Saeculum Christianum. Pismo Historyczne
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2015
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vol. 22
43-54
EN
The article publishes for the first time the famous Canons of Eusebius of Cesarea transmitted in medieval codex called Evangelarium Anastasiae. The copmarison between the Canons of Eusebius transmitted in Evangelarium Anastasiae and in the famous Bible of Płock confirm the strict dependance between those two codexes. Thanks to two notes on the miracles which took place in the cathedral of Płock in 1148 and have been described in the Bible of Płock we know that the Bible should have been in Płock in this time, so it seems reasonable to suppose that also Evangelarium Anastasiae would have been transcribed in the local scriptorium in the middle of XII century.
2
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Origen as a source of Evagrian Eight Passionate Thoughts

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Misiarczyk L.
Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe
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2018
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vol. 39
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issue 4
191-205
EN
This study focuses on the question of if and in what sense Origen can be considered as the source of the Evagrian teaching of the eight passionate thoughts. Origen is his source in the indirect sense, as the terminological inspiration of particular passionate thoughts. Evagrius has taken over from the New Testament the three so-called fundamental passionate thoughts (gluttony, avarice and vainglory) and the limitation of their number to the eight principal thoughts. The description of cause-and-effect relationships between all eight passionate thoughts, both in the empirical order and in the spiritual struggle between the individual thoughts, is a personal contribution of Evagrius, based on his own experience and the spiritual direction of other monks.
PL
Artykuł koncentruje się na pytaniu, czy i w jakim sensie Orygens może być uznawany za źródło nauki Ewagriusza z Pontu na temat ośmiu namiętnych myśli. Z przedstawionych analiza wynika, że Orygenes może być uznany za źródło Ewagriusza jedynie w sensie pośrednim, jako inspiracja terminologiczna dla każdej z namiętnych myśli, gdyż tylko w jego pismach pojawiają się wszystkie terminy użyte przez mnicha z Pontu. Natomiast z Nowego Testamentu Ewagriusz przejął naukę o trzech źródłowych myślach namiętnych (obżarstwo, chciwość i próżna chwała) oraz ograniczenie ich liczby do ośmiu. Zaś sam opis wzajemnych relacji pomiędzy nimi, zarówno w porządku empirycznym jak też duchowej walki, jest osobistym wkładem Ewagriusza opartym na własnym doświadczeniu i duchowym kierownictwie innych mnichów.
3
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Status Żydów w cesarstwie chrześcijańskim według księgi XVI Kodeksu Teodozjusza - cz. I

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Misiarczyk L.
Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe
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2019
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vol. 40
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issue 2
175-189
EN
The article presents a general characteristics and content of Book 16 of the Theodosian Code and the religious policy of the late Empire against the dissenters, in order to analyze the status of Jews. In the subsequent part, the author analyzes the privileges enjoyed by the followers of Judaism in the 4th century Empire, that is, privileges for superiors and members of communities as well as the legal protection of synagogues and Judaic worship.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia ogólną charakterystykę i treść XVI Księgi Kodeksu Teodozjusza oraz politykę religijną późnego cesarstwa wobec innowierców, aby na tym tle dokonać analizy statusu żydów. W dalszej części autor analizuje przywileje, jakimi cieszyli się wyznawcy judaizmu w Imperium IV wieku, czyli przywileje dla przełożonych i członków wspólnot oraz prawnej ochrony synagog i kultu judaistycznego.
4
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Teksty Hieronima, Seduliusza Szkota i Bedy Czcigodnego w biblijnych kodeksach płockich i nadmozańskie z XII wieku

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Misiarczyk L.
Saeculum Christianum. Pismo Historyczne
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2016
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vol. 1
54-72
EN
This article is on the comparison of two biblical manuscripts of the twelfth century from Plock, namely the so-called Bible of Plock and Evangeliar of Princess Anastasia with two Mosan biblical manuscripts: Evangeliar of Averbode and the Biblia Universa transcribed in the same period. The first three texts: Beatissimo Papae Damaso (Novum opus), Prologus quatuor evangeliorum (Plures fuisse) and Iheronimus Damaso Pape (Sciendum etiam) – the last one is not in the Bible of Plock - and Evangeliar of Princess Anastasia are of St. Jerome. In contrast, the introduction to the Synoptic Gospels: Argumentum secundum Matheum, Prologus in Marco and Prologus sancti Evangelii secundum Lucam are not the texts of St. Jerome, as is sometimes mistakenly repeated by different scholars, but belong to Sedulius Scottus, an Irish monk and poet who lived and worked in a school in Leodium in the ninth century, and the introduction to the Gospel of John: Prephatio in Evangelium secundum Iohannem was written by Bede the Venerable. While the texts of Jerome were quite commonly used in biblical medieval manuscripts, the fact that the introductions to the Synoptic Gospels are written by Sedulius Scottus and are present in both the Bible of Plock as well as partially in Evangeliar of Princess Anastasia is a very strong argument for the Mosan origin of the biblical manuscripts of Plock from the twelfth century. Comparative analysis of the texts themselves clearly leads to several important conclusions. First, the Bible of Plock and Evangeliar of Princess Anastasia are closer to the version of the text preserved in the Biblia Universa, a codex written in the monastery of Sancti Trudonis, than to Evangeliar of Averbode. It follows that the sources for the biblical manuscripts of Plock from the twelfth century should be searched at Mosan Benedictine monasteries, perhaps in the very monastery Sancti Trudonis near Liège. Second, the Gospel of Mark generally follows the version of the text preserved in the Biblia Universa and the Bible of Plock but not all the time. It should therefore be hoped that further comparative studies, especially the version of the biblical text, would confirm this relationship and will help determine whether the codex was written in the Mosan region or is a copy of the Bible of Plock made on the spot. Thirdly, and this is an extremely interesting proposal, Evangeliar of Princess Anastasia, not counting minor copyist changes like the conversion of - tium to - cium, is very much dependent on the Bible of Plock. If, as it is confirmed by records of the miracles, the Bible was already in Plock in 1148 or before that date, it is very likely that Evangeliar of Princess Anastasia, would be a copy of the text made on the spot in a local Plock scriptorium as a foundation of Boleslaw Kedzierzawy and a votive offering for the salvation of his deceased wife Anastasia. The codex would therefore arise after her death, dating back to the year 1158 in Plock in the time of Bishop Werner and would not have been brought by him following his trip to Aachen. These conclusions, for obvious reasons, are only preliminary, as comparsion of the texts are not fully detailed and fuller conclusions will be presented only after benchmarking a version of the biblical text of the four Gospels.
5
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„Umysł widzący swoje światło” w nauce duchowej Ewagriusza z Pontu

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Misiarczyk L.
Verbum Vitae
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2016
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vol. 29
273-295
PL
Ewagriusz z Pontu w swojej nauce duchowej przedstawia tzw. „modlitwę czystą”, która jest modlitwą nie tylko pozbawioną jakiegokolwiek kontaktu z rzeczami materialnymi, ale również z jakimkolwiek materialnym wyobrażeniem nous. Taki rodzaj głębokiej modlitwy jest jednocześnie źródłem poznania Boga. Umysł (nous), który osiąga stan tak głębokiego oczyszczenia podczas modlitwy doświadcza światła Bożego i widzi siebie jako świecący. Ewagriusz precyzuje, że umysł widzi siebie samego w kolorze szafiru lub nieba a niekiedy jako gwiazdę. Badacze jego pism od lat zastanawiają się czy według niego to światło pochodzi od samego umysłu czy też od Boga. Mnich z Pontu, jak się wydaje, łączy te dwa światła ze sobą uważając je jednak za oddzielone. Światło własne nous jest tylko odbiciem światła Bożego jak księżyc odbija światło słońca. Choć umysł nie jest źródłem swego światła, to jednak jego światło jest realne. W chwilach głębokiego duchowego zjednoczenia z Bogiem Jego światło oświeca ludzki nous i go przemienia w świecący i widzący światło.
EN
The monk Evagrius of Pontus (345-399 AD) presents in his spiritual doctrine the concept of "pure prayer", that is, prayer not only devoid of any contact with material things but also divorced from any concrete image in the nous (i.e., the mind or intellect). This type of deep prayer becomes a source for the knowledge of God. Upon reaching this state of deep purification, the nous experiences during prayer the light of God and also perceives himself as radiant. Evagrius specifies that the nous sees itself in the color of the sapphire or in sky-blue, or even as a star. Scientists for a long time asked themselves whether, for Evagrius, this light originated within the mind itself, or came from God. It seems that monk of Pontus joins these two lights together, although considering them always as separate. The light of nous itself is but a reflection of the divine light, in the same way that the moon reflects the light of the sun. Even if the nous is not the source of its own light, nevertheless its light is real. In a time of deep spiritual union with God, His light illuminates the human nous and turns it into radiance.
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