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Rosja wobec losów narodów słowiańskich w czasie kryzysu bałkańskiego 1875– 1878

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Nowiński F.

Wrocławskie Studia Wschodnie

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2015

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vol. 19

29-58

EN

The fourth and last Russo-Turkish War in the 19th century was closely linked to yet another attempt on the part of Russia to resolve the so-called Eastern Question to its advantage. The war also became a key historical moment for the Balkan nations in the pursuit of their national aspirations. An outline of this complex political problem is presented on the basis of selected Russian memoirs: of Prince Vladimir Meshchersky, Prince Dimitri Obolensky, Baron Nikolai Wrangel and a young officer, Alexei Brusilov. What constitutes an interesting supplement to the impressions and opinions of Russian aristocrats (both princes) is memoirs by Józef Zaczyński, a man of Polish origin but until the war in Turkish service as a physician and pharmacist. Meshchersky and Obolensky expressed the views of Russian Slavophiles, with Baron Wrangel being more critical of the tsarist policy. Acompletely different attitude to the war is presented by the Polish physician Zaczyński in his memoirs. Meshchersky and Obolensky were deeply convinced of the rightness of the Russian mission in the Balkans. They believed this was a fight against Turkish oppression of Orthodox Slavic peoples. The course of the war clearly affected their emotions, ranging from euphoria to breakdown and despair. They were also disappointed by the Serbs’ attitude to the war and Russia’s policy. Zaczyński, as befitted adoctor, was not emotionally involved on any side, nor did he manifest any prejudice against anyone. He provided professional medical assistance to everyone who was in need. The Russian activists were disappointed by the fact that the army did not seize Constantinople; nor was the Treaty of San Stefano a dream come true for them and they were rightly concerned that diplomatic intrigues might mean that the hard-won victory would be squandered. Translated by Anna Kijak

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Polacy na Uniwersytecie Petersburskim przed powstaniem styczniowym

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Nowiński F.

Wrocławskie Studia Wschodnie

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2013

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vol. 17

47 - 78

EN

The period of several years after the death of Nicholas I, called “post-Sevastopol spring”, constituted an important turning point in the history of 19th century Russia. The reforms started at the time encompassed all aspects of life in the Empire and were also felt in the Kingdom of Poland. Political agitation could be noticed in academia, in which the University of Petersburg came to the fore. That the changes in this branch were very dynamic is best evidenced by the fact that over one decade there were no fewer than three ministers. The university in the capital city had, alongside the Universities of Moscow and Kiev, one of the biggest populations of Polish students in the Empire. Polish students in the Russian capital closely collaborated with their compatriots and fellow students in Kiev and Moscow. They actively supported their Russian colleagues, but at the same time stressed their separate national goals. This was facilitated by the situation in the Kingdom of Poland, especially in Warsaw, where preparations had already been under way for a future armed rising. Polish students at Russian universities formed separate organisations (the so-called student bodies) and pursued their own activity independently of the Russians. While the Russian students demanded a restoration of autonomy to universities, their Polish colleagues had patriotic objectives in mind as well. The student agitation reached its peak in 1861. In the opinion of the educational authorities and the police, Poles were the “evil spirit” causing unrest at universities. The material gathered by the police suggested that the Polish students had their own library which housed books banned by the censors. The Polish students in Petersburg decided on a political demonstration when they ordered a mass to be celebrated at the Church of St. Catherine in memory of demonstrators killed in Warsaw. Those present at the mass included both Poles and Russians. Some controversy among Polish students was caused by the participation of some Poles in Taras Sevchenko’s funeral. Representatives of Polish students from the capital took part in the January 1861 convention in Warsaw. An interesting and mysterious figure in the Polish student circles in Warsaw was Władysław Krzyżanowski — a graduate of the University of Petersburg, who in March 1861 was arrested and in July 1862 exiled to Siberia. Worthy of note is a propaganda campaign conducted by the Polish students. A good opportunity for it was provided by religious feasts and summer holidays. Polish students took an active part in student protests in the autumn of 1861. Some of them were even arrested and imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress. After the closure of the university in the capital, some Poles quickly sat their final exams, while others went to their homeland in order to become involved in clandestine activ-ities in the Kingdom of Poland and in Lithuania.

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Elita słowianofilów rosyjskich wobec decyzji kongresu berlińskiego

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Nowiński F.

Wrocławskie Studia Wschodnie

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2017

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vol. 21

9-33

RU

Данная статья посвящена реакциям российских славянофильских кругов на решения Берлинского конгресса 1878 г. Их реакции были более стихийными, чем встречаемые в российских политических и интеллектуальных элитах. Это было вызвано тем, что идею панславизма славянофилы понимали буквально и конкретно. Если Россия победила в войне за освобождение славянских народов на Балканах, она безоговорочно должна возглавлять освобожденные из турецкого плена славянские народы. Славянофилов не интересовало, что думают об этом европейские державы, одобряют ли они такое решение или нет. В 1878 г. в их мышлении появилось большое упрощение — понятие славянов начали отождествлять с булгарскими землями. Отсутствие булгарского государства с такими границами, какие они соображали и определили, было равнозначно полному поражению. Они же не отметили и не комментировали международного признания независимости Сербии и Черногории, несущественны были также их незначительные территориальные приобретения.

EN

The article is devoted to responses of the Russian Slavophile circles to decisions taken at the 1878 Congress of Berlin. The responses were more lively than those usually encountered among Russian political and intellectual elites. This stemmed from the fact that among the Slavophiles the idea of pan-Slavism was understood very literally and concretely. Since Russia had been victorious in the war to liberate Slavic peoples in the Balkans, it should unconditionally head the Slavs liberated from Turkish captivity. The Slavophiles were not interested in what European powers thought about this, in whether they would accept such a solution. In 1878 a gross simplification was introduced into their thinking — the notion of Slavdom began to be equated with the Bulgarian lands. The fact that a Bulgarian state with borders imagined and drawn at the time did not exist was regarded as a complete failure. On the other hand, no notice was taken of and no comments were made on the international recognition of independent Serbia and Montenegro; their modest territorial acquisitions, too, were considered to be insignificant.

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Rosja wobec losów narodów słowiańskich w czasie kryzysu bałkańskiego 1875– 1878

Polacy na Uniwersytecie Petersburskim przed powstaniem styczniowym

Elita słowianofilów rosyjskich wobec decyzji kongresu berlińskiego