Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 13

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
RU
Незадолго до окончания второй мировой войны начался, продолжающийся почти три года, демографический обмен между польским и советским государством. Подавляющая часть белорусского меньшинства в Польше проживала в Белoстокском воеводстве, со значительным преимуществом в его восточной части. Среди белорусов Белосточчины преобладали малоземельные крестьяне, находящиеся в затруднительном материальном положении после войны. Советские уполномоченные развернули широкую пропагандистскую деятельность, с целью переселения как можно большей части белоруского населения в БССР. После войны усилились национальные антагонизмы, которые значительно усложняли ситуацию переселенцев. На всей территории воеводства существовали районы, в которых активно действовало негативно настроенное польского подполье. Но даже из таких районов белорусы выезжали лишь в незначительном колличестве. Были также села и города, где оба народа находились в добрососедских взаимоотношениях. Основная масса белорусов, обеспокоенная условиями жизни в советских колхозах, изъявила желание остаться в Польше. На смену места жительства решились лишь малоземельные крестьяне, небольшая часть рабочих и служащих. В составе выезжающих нашлись также и те, которые хотели разыскать в СССР свои семьи, лица, которые опасались осуждения коллаборационнизма во время войны, а также коммунистические деятели, убежденные в правильности данного процесса переселения. Подавляющее большинство белорусского меньшинства в Польше выразило желание остаться на земле, которую считало своим отчим домом.
EN
This analysis of the journalistic community in Lodz pertains to the Stalinist period, years that were particularly difficult in journalism. The press was already being subjected to a Party apparatus that determined human resources policy as well as press content. Journalists were reduced to the role of a „transmission belt”, conveying and realizing the political line of the Party. A collective portrait of the Lodz press community has been made based on the biographies of 96 journalists and editors-in-chief who worked for the following Lodz daily newspapers in the period from 1949–1956: „Głos Robotniczy” (Workers’ Voice), „Dziennik Łódzki” (Lodz Daily), „Express Ilustrowany” (Express Illustrated) and, after the merger of a „readers” newspaper with a tabloid, „Łódzki Express Ilustrowany” (Lodz Express Illustrated). This group of almost 100 journalists is representative for the period of analysis, although certainly not complete. An analysis of the composition of the Lodz press corps from that period indicates significant changes in the journalistic community. There was a marked increase in the number of young employees, lacking professional education and experience in the profession, often from proletarian families. At the end of 1949, 65 people worked in the three Lodz newspapers, while in 1955 the number of all employed journalists in Lodz increased to 101. The greatest increase, almost double, in the number of staff was in the Party ranks. At the same time, journalists with pre-war credentials were dismissed from the job. Commitment to Party affairs became the most important criterion in the assessment of employees; professional preparation was less crucial. The article notes increased activity of the Lodz journalistic community during October of 1956: the Lodz press, following the example of Warsaw, demanded above all greater freedom of publication and the limitation and even lifting of censorship. The press also demanded that responsibility be given to the editor-in-chief and the board for the character of a newspaper and its circulation. The entire press community considered the reliability of publications and the acquisition of readers’ trust a matter of primary importance. The journalist was to advance from the role of an executor of imposed tasks to that of a social activist.
RU
Переговоры относительно заключения советско-польского соглашения о репатриации велись с лета 1944 г. Их вели московские представительства Польского комитета национального освобождения, а позже Временного Правительства ПР. Главным вопросом была проблема гражданства, т.к. советские власти большинство граждан II Польской Республики, пребывающих на их территории, признавали гражданами СССР. Разрабатываемое соглашение в первую очередь должно было регулировать правовое положение польских ссыльных, а затем позволить им на легальную репатриацию. Представляемые с апреля 1945 г. советской стороне проекты документа не оказали существенного влияния на окончательную форму соглашения, которое было написано согласно замыслам советов и вскоре оказалось невозможным для внедрения в жизнь, тем самым требовало пересмотра на дипломатическом уровне.
DE
Im 1956 Jahr wurde erste Krise von dem System in Polen vorgekommen. Für das ganze Bild wurde es zusammengelegt: Tod von Bolesław Bierut, Rivalität zwischen Natolin und Puławianie, Ereignis dem Juni in Poznań und Władysław Gomułka ist den Parteiführer gewält worden. Die polnische Gesellschaft haben Hoffnung auf die Demokratisierung dem Staat gehabt. Das Politikum im 1956 Jahr hat Parlamentswahlen ausgeprägt worden. Erstmals hatten die Polen die eigenen Kandidaten in Parlament wählen können. Die Leute hatten Kandidaten anmelden mögen. Aber hat Władysław Gomułka den Schein der Demokratisierung dem Staat gewahrt. Die Regierungspartei hat alles kontrolliert. Der Interessenkonflikt kam zum Ausbruch zwischen polnische Gemeinschaft und Regierungspartei. Desgleichen war es in Lodsch. Michalina Tatarkówna-Majkowska hat der Registrierungen der Kandidaten geleitet. Sie war die Parteiführerin in Lodsch. Die Einwohnerschaft und die Jugendhaben das ihr übel genommen, weil Tatarkówna-Majkowska die Kandidatenliste selbstständig geschaffen hat. Am ersten Platz war sie. Die Leute haben am Wahltag nachgewiesen, dass Sie Meinuhg gahabt haben. Sie haben Tatarkówna-Majkowska nicht gewahlt. Aber die Parteiführerin in Lodsch war Volksvertreterirn.
EN
Strategic axioms of The Soviet Union toward Spain crystallized before the end of the World War II. In January 1944 Ivan Maisky said that the Kremlin was interested in „liquidation of the fascist dictatorship of General Franco and the restoration of the republic”. In August 1945 the United States droped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. In international relation a new factor appered. However, it did not changed the direction of The Kremlin policy. Nuclear weapon only filled the empty blanks in the Soviet strategic calculations. It did also became an important motive of communist propaganda. In February 1946, Stalin gave a speach at the Bolshoi Theatre, which appointed a new course in politics of the Soviet Union. The Host of The Kremlin made it clear that the Soviet Union could become the target of nuclear bombardment. The same day the UN General Assembly issued a resolution that condemned the fascist regime of General Franco. At the end of the month, France close its border with Spain. Paris put an initiative to bring the Pyrenees’ case to the judgment of the United Nations. Lack of suport of the Anglo-Saxon Powers, however, forced Quai d’Orsay to withdraw from this concept. In March 1946, Poland became involved in the situation of the Iberian Penisula. Next month, Oskar Lange asked the Security Council to consider the situation of the Iberian Penisula. The Polish delegate, implementing strategic axioms of the Soviet Union, argued that the fascist Franco regime threatened international peace and security. He accused Caudillo of producing nuclear weapon and undertaking preparations for the new war. Most of all O. Lange claimed break of diplomatic relations with Spain. Anglo-Saxon powers were not interested in promoting the initiative of Poland. The United States believed that the referral of the General Franco question to the Security Council was a Soviet revenge for Iran case. In April 29, 1946, the Security Councill, in its resolution, appointed a subcommittee to investigate allagations of Slavic countries. The investigation conducted by the subcommittee revealed that there was no evidence of realizing the nuclear program in Fascist Spain. Allegations of this type, however, were used by followers of the Polish initiative and communist propaganda. On November 4 O. Lange asked to eliminate Gen. Franco’s regime question from the agenda of the Security Council. The problem, however, was transferred to the UN General Assembly. On December 12, there was issued a resolution that condemned the Spanish regime and that recommend United Nations withdrawal of their ambassadors and ministers accredited to the government of General Franco. The resolution stated that the dictatorship of Caudillo is no a threat to international peace and security. There was also said that in Spain there were any works on the construction of an atomic bomb. The Soviet strategy toward Spain was based on the synergistic axioms. On one hand, USSR wanted to create a base on the Iberian Penisula for the export of Marxist doctrine to Africa and Latin America, and for support of Italian and French communist movement. The creation a democratic republic of new type in Spain would also allow Soviet control of the western Mediterranean. On the other hand, the Soviet Union was about to show the Anglo-Saxon powers in a bad light. Recipients of the comunist propaganda had to belive that the West supported „remnants of fascism”. Scaring with the threat of the new war, which was exaggerated by the atomic bomb factor, served as a justification for restrictions on the inner life in the USSR. It also allowed to mobilize under the aegis of the Soviet Communist Party all country goods – both human and material resources.
EN
The article describes the history of the Polish Army garrison in Tomaszow Mazowiecki in years 1918–1939. In November 1918, the German infantry company was disarmed, what started the history of Polish garrison in this city. Quickly was formed a troop, which in January 1919 were incorporated into formed in Lodz the first Battalion of the 28th Infantry Regiment. In the summer of 1919 were moved from Brzeziny to Tomaszow: Military Replenishment Command and Field Replacement Battalion of the 30th Infantry Regiment. Year later arrived in the Tomaszow the second battalion of this regiment, which in 1924 was moved to Warsaw. In the same year arrived to Tomaszow the second Battalion of the 25th Infantry Regiment, which three years later was reorganized at the Reserve Officers Training Centre No. 4. This school existed until 1929. Then, for the next six years at Tomaszow didn’t stationed military units. Garrison was re-created in the autumn 1935. At the time, arrived in the city the second battalion of the 4th Heavy Artillery Regiment, which there stationed until the outbreak of war. This military unit was quartered in modern barracks built in the mid-thirties. In March 1939 the second battalion of the 4th Heavy Artillery Regiment was mobilized and directed to the Army „Lodz”. In the abandoned barracks was created reserve center, which existed until 5th September. Two days later Tomaszow Mazowiecki was occupied by the German army, what ended the history of Polish garrison in the interwar period.
RU
Выбор тематики подиктован значительным увеличением роли этнической политики в современных польско-литовских отношениях. Движущей силой кардинальных изменений в конце 80-х и начале 90-х годов ХХ в. стала „национальная идеология”, провозглашенная Саюдисом – Литовским движением за перестройку. Именно она мобилизовала литовцев – подтолкнула их к освобождению от гнета советской империи и восстановлению в 1990 г. независимого литовского государства. Концепция национальной идеологии родилась в начале ХIХ века и стала особенно популярной среди народов, находящихся под иностранным господством. Характерной чертой национализма были oбщность языка, территории и исторической судьбы. Молодые нации, в том числе и литовцы, оказались в группе народов со „слабой” исторической традицией и поэтому историю литовского народа пришлось писать заново. Характерно, что националистическая риторика, востановленного в 1918 г. литовского государства, категорически отрекалась от совместного польско-литовского прошлого. Литовский анти-полонизм усилился особенно после „бунта” генерала Желиговского в 1920 г., когда Польша вернула себе Вильнюсский край. Этo очень негативно сказалoсь на отношения между двумя упомянутыми странами. В литовской историографии выше упомянутые события называются „польской оккупацией” и до сих пор используются как докозательство „ревизионистских тенденций Великой Польши”. В результате победы Сталина во Второй мировой войне, Польша и Литва оказались в сфере влияния Советского Союза. На полвека литовско-польский конфликт сошел на второй план. Обе нации сосуществовали в советской реальности, борясь за выживание в новых условиях вплоть до времён перестройки, когда Михаил Горбачев ослабил так называемые „идеологические оковы”. В конце 80-ых годов, наряду с идеей национального возрождения в СССР, активизировалось польское национальное меньшинство, проживающие на территории Литовской Советской Социалистической Республики. Поляки Литвы попытались образовать культурную автономию в районах их компактного проживания, на что очень негативно зареагировали литовцы, которые в автономии видели потенциальную опасность сепаратизма и боялись, что Вильнюсский край вновь захочет отделится от Литвы. Современный конфликт между литовской властью и поляками Вильнюсского края начался в конце 80-х годов ХХ в. и в настоящее время проходит в языковом пространстве страны. До сих пор поляки Литвы борятся за право писать свои фамилии в документах попольски, за двуязычные информационные надписи в местах компактного проживания, за образование на родном языке. Cущественно, что для обеих сторон конфликта язык имеет ключевое значение, а литуанизация воспринимается прежде всего как деполонизация.
EN
Introduction of the martial law in Poland on 13 December 1981 met with a strong public resistance. A popular form of protest was occasional poetry . To a great extent it was created by political internees. By placing internees’ poetry in the context of social events which took place during the time of martial law we can prove its great functional value. Undeniable advantage of this literary output is the record of the experience of isolation. There is nothing more elusive than the way in which human emotions and experiences are expressed. The occasional poetry played also a particular role in a political discourse of that time. Its aim was to continue the process of purifying the language from newspeak, defense of internees and oppressed and discrediting actions of authorities. Also diaries and memoirs were also created in detention centers. The literary output of internees constitutes a document of awareness of this social group. Thanks to this literature we can learn about arrests, the reality of everyday life in detention centers, relations between internees and guards, forms of repression, problems faced by internees, their emotions and results of isolation.
EN
The article describes the organization and activity several services, whose task it was the supply all the military units stationed in the Lodz Military District in years 1945–1946. Described quartermaster services were responsible for the current supply troops with food, uniforms, equipment, buildings and barracks, fuel, water and many other useful things. The construction service was responsible for the living conditions of the soldiers in the barracks and the technical condition all military facilities. The service weapon was responsible for the supply of arms and ammunition, weapons maintenance and ensuring right conditions of storage. Because of development of motorization, a very important also was the automotive service, which supplied military vehicles, lubricants, fuel and spare parts necessary for the efficient users of all the military vehicles. Apart from them, in the Military District of Lodz functioned also smaller units of the military engineer service and communication service. Despite many difficulties, all these services were in practice able to carry out their tasks, providing all military units in the military district necessary conditions for their functioning in peacetime. Majority of the units of all services, which were described in this article were stationed in Lodz and were disbanded in November 1946, together with the entire military district in Lodz.
EN
On June 22nd 1941 the IIIrd Reich attacked USSR. The outcome of military warfare on Eastern Front, unfavourable for the Red Army, caused the Communist International (CI) structures, operating in the Soviet country since 1919, to move in October 1941 from Moscow to Ufa and Kuybyshev. After the German aggression a need for intensive propaganda works came into existence. Within the Executive Committee’s (EC) apparatus there was, among others, Press and Radio Broadcasting Department supervised by Bedřich Geminder during 1941–1943 (pseudonym: G. Friedrich). Between 1941–1942 there were a general radio office and 16 secret national stations, which in 1943 were incorporated into the Department. After the dissolvement of CI, spring 1943, the radio stations were affiliated to a secret Institute of Science and Research no. 205 (the former Press and Radio Department of ECCI) operating in a newly formed International Information Department of Central Committee the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). Among 16 offices that CI brought to life, there was a station under the name of Tadeusz Kościuszko, broadcasting in Polish language. It started broadcasting in July 1941 and continued up to July 22nd 1944. Its headquarters was situated initially in Moscow, however, after the evacuation of ECCI in October 1941 it broadcasted from Ufa, Bashkiria. The station touched many issues regarding the war and occupation One of them was the issues of the leftwing resistance movement in occupied Poland. In the station’s news it was indicated which cities or towns were liberated by communist underground Apart from that the office underlined in its announcements that people’s army freed people enslaved by German occupier. The audience was keenly informed that the guerillas were fighting railway infrastructure in order to hinder the arms and ammo, food and new recruits convoys to the Eastern frontline. The broadcast did not skip such issues as liquidation of German occupying authorities’ representatives; raids on the premises where Wehrmacht soldiers spent their free time; or sabotaging the German warfare industry. The aim of the news was not merely informing about the effectiveness of the Communist Resistance, but also encouraging the audience to form new guerilla divisions or joining the already existing ones to engage in warfare.
EN
Julia Brystygierowa as a one of the most trusted Polish communist in USSR, was involved in two projects, which had the supervisory character in relation to other Polish communists. The first one was The Polish National Committee, that had the nature of provisional Polish government. Although, she wasn’t in make-up of the Organization Committee for its, she took a part in most of debates concerning with. It is pretty hard to exactly define her importance for whole the organization process, but for sure she was one of „grey eminence”. The second one was Central Bureau Communists of Poland. During production process of Bureau, Julia Brystygierowa was concerned as a member, but lastly she was appointed as a plenipotentiary for the territorial League of Polish Patriots in USSR. As Julia Brystygierowa had seen, that this project won’t be able to achieve intentional meaning, she restricted her part in it, only to confirming identity others communists. For sure, she was mostly concentrated on her tasks in the League of Polish Patriots, than in Bureau.
EN
The article reveals the activity of Cultural and Educational Department of Polish Patriots Peripheral Management in Lvov since it was created in September 1944 till the time it was abolished in the mid of 1946. Officially the Department was divided into four sections: Press and Radio, Lecture and Reading, Scientific Section and Collections of book. There were also the committee and community events. The Department supervised as well the Little Forms Theatre called „Miniatury” as the Youth Sections till September 1945. The article presents the ventures of Peripheral Management in Lvov in the cultural and educational field. The ventures included such actions as taking part „Help Action” in Warsaw, collecting Polish books, creating common rooms for the young and organizing the Scientific Section and Radio Committee (since February 1, 1945 the people in Lvov could listen to Polish radio programs every day between 12 and 1 p.m.). The most imported initiatives of the Department were academies devoted to some important holidays and anniversaries like: Independence Day, May 1, May 3, Kościuszko celebrations, the anniversary of Lenino battle and October Revolution. The Department also supervised the actions of Little Forms Theatre „Miniatury” and was responsible for creating short articles which were to be published in „Czerwony Sztandar”. In the summary the autor noticed that the activity of Department in the field of Culture and Educational was a very important propaganda tool for members of Department. During the lectures and radio programmes taking into consideration the lack of access to a wide source of information, it was used to emphasize new thinking based on Polish and Soviet friendship. Nevertheless ceremonies created by the department despite the fact that they were permeated with propaganda ideas, gave the people in Lvov the strong feeling of affiliation to Polish Society and enabled them the wide access to Polish art, music, books and press.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.