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PL
Fear on the battlefield – selected aspects of nineteenth century debate on soldierly fearWhat seems to be especially interesting to historians undertaking research into the issue of the “culture of fear” in the 19th century is a confrontation of “traditional” fear associated with forces of nature with “civilization-based fear”, caused by a rapid development of industrial culture and a demographic revolution. Yet although the 19th c. literature devoted to the theory of fear seems to be quite prolific and varied, the topic of battlefield fear, or else fear experienced by soldiers, seems to be relatively unexplored. The image of an undaunted fearless soldier, which had been shaped by European Romanticism up until the end of the 19th c. had not been subjected to a fundamental verification.  It was only the studies carried out by psychologists at the turn of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th c., and especially the experiences of the First World War that had forced researchers to modify their views with regard to soldierly fear. The protracted trench war had caused reactions among soldiers which had by far surpassed the schematic conceptions of emotions experienced on the battlefield, inducing scholars to undertake more complex research devoted to the issue of soldierly fear.
EN
Out of European post-communist countries, Albania was the last to start the process of decommunisation and aborted the process after merely five years in a particularly dramatic fashion. The disaster of financial pyramids in 1997 and the related anarchisation of the state was an abrupt awakening from the post-communist euphoria for Albanians and reduced the significance of the events of 1991-1992 in their memory. The phrase rishikimi i historise (understood as a re-vision of history) left its mark, in the recent years, on the returning political dispute about the heritage of Albanian communism, encouraging a far-reaching mystification and mythologisation. Attitudes of nostalgia for communism seem fully justified by the current social and economic crisis and disillusionment towards politicians, but they also result from the society’s lack of knowledge about the times of Enver Hoxha. The current dispute about the identity and evolution of the Albanian nation also shows a tendency to marginalise the period of communism, or even “delete” it from history books and Albanian memory. This is achieved both by destroying material traces remaining from the times of communism and by publishing scientific and pseudo-scientific works discrediting the founders of communism.
PL
Spośród państw regionu bałkańskiego Serbię wyróżnia ogromny areał ziem uprawnych (około 5 milionów hektarów), z czego ponad 80 procent jest wykorzystywanych przez rolnictwo. Produkty żywnościowe stanowią jeden z najważniejszych komponentów serbskiego eksportu. Od 1 marca 2012 roku, kiedy Serbia uzyskała status państwa kandydującego do Unii Europejskiej, szansą przetrwania dla rozbudowanego sektora rolno-spożywczego stało się przygotowanie go do skutecznej rywalizacji z państwami unijnymi o bardzo podobnej ofercie towarowej. Okazję na zwiększenie chłonności rynku wewnętrznego stwarza wzrost świadomości kulinarnej społeczeństwa serbskiego, które mimo kryzysu ekonomicznego coraz częściej poszukuje nowych, nieznanych dotąd smaków lub nowych form dla smaków znanych w serbskiej kuchni. Prawdziwym wyzwaniem dla serbskiego rolnictwa staje się promocja turystyki kulinarnej, stwarzająca możliwość skutecznego konkurowania z innymi krajami bałkańskimi, przedstawiającymi bardziej zróżnicowaną ofertę atrakcji turystycznych. Promocja serbskich produktów regionalnych odbywa się poprzez imprezy należące do kanonu turystyki kulinarnej – festiwale, konkursy kulinarne, turystyczne szlaki kulinarne, a także rekonstrukcje kuchni średniowiecznej. Turystyka kulinarna w realiach Serbii otwiera możliwości dla zrównoważonego rozwoju obszarów peryferyjnych, a jednocześnie pozwala na zachowanie starych zwyczajów i tradycji.
EN
Its huge area of cultivated lands (about 5 million hectares) makes Serbia stand out against other states of the Balkan region. Food products are still one of the most important components of Serbian export. From 1 March 2012, when Serbia was granted the candidate status to the European Union, making ready to effectively competite with the Member States of the EU, which offer very similar products, became a chance of survival for Serbia’s agricultural and –food industry sector . A chance to increase the absorbency of the internal market creates an increasing culinary awareness in the Serbian society; despite the economic crisis, the Serbians are looking for new, previously unknown tastes or new taglines for tastes already known in Serbian cuisine. The real challenge for Serbian agriculture is the promotion of culinary tourism, which involves exhibiting the ability to compete with other Balkan countries by depicting a more diverse range of attractions.Promotion of the regional products is done by events typical for culinary tourism – festivals, culinary competitions, culinary tourist routes, as well as reconstructions of medieval cuisine. In the realities of Serbia, culinary tourism opens the opportunities for sustainable development of the periphery areas and, at the same time, makes it possible to retain old customs and traditions.
PL
Kosovo and Albanian-Yugoslav relations in the period of 1944–1948 The period of the first four years after the end of the Second World War was one of a few examples of cooperation in Albanian-Yugoslav relations. It was one a of a few times when these relations were based not only on ideological similarities but on pragmatic grounds as well. This pragmatic outlook is quite specific for the attitude assumed towards the problem of Kosovo. The abandoning of the concept of Greater Albania propagated in 1941–1944 by the occupation authorities and the incorporation of Kosovo into the Republic of Serbia (within the Yugoslav Federation) aroused resentment among a number of Albanian population living in Kosovo. For the new elite ruling in Tirana cooperation with Belgrade became such an important factor in the process of stabilisation of the state and of the new system that the problem of Kosovo was treated as an internal Yugoslav issue. When in 1948 Yugoslavia was expelled from Cominform, Albanians made the most of this opportunity and freed themselves from under the rule of their northern neighbour. This put an end to the process of unification of the two states. The events of 1948 limited, for quite some time, migration from Albania to Kosovo making the Albanians living in Kosovo „hostages” in Albanian-Yugoslav relations. For Albanian historians, especially those who wrote their works in the period between 1992 and 1997, this short-term Albanian-Yugoslav cooperation resulted in the stigmatisation of a number of people who were labelled traitors of the Albanian nation as they expressed loyalty towards communism joined with a servile attitude towards Belgrade. Serbians pointed to the experiences of 1944-1948 as an example of possible reconciliation between the two states for which the problem of Kosovo was not a destructive issue
EN
The process of creation of Albanian modern state had a crucial point in November 1912, during First Balkan War. The group of Albanian national activists from southern part of Albania and from some diaspora communities gathered in Vlora to proclaim independence of Albanian State. In the specific circumstances created by war, only a part of invited delegates could attend in Vlora meeting. The analysis of their age, profession and religious affilation showed significant differences in comparison with contemporary Albanian society. Majority of Albanian acitivists and insurgents (among them very influential Kosovo Albanians) was marginalised in the first phase of creation of Albanian state. The problem of representativeness of delegates in Vlora was one of the main obstacle in the cooperation of Albanians in the times of Principality of Albania (1912-1914).
EN
The dispute over the Ottoman heritage and its influence on the identity and evolution of the Albanian nation is one of the fundamental tendencies in the identity discussions in post-communist Albania. The European aspirations of the Albanians encouraged the victimization of identity discourse and promoted seeing contemporary Albanian problems in the context of the collapse of Ottoman Empire. Demands to revise history proposed by of the Democratic Party of Albania after 2009 elections fostered the reinforcement of the mythologized vision of history but also lead to the conflict of the memory of Albania and Turkey, whose policies of memory form part of the current political needs of both countries
PL
The dispute over the Ottoman heritage and its influence on the identity and evolution of the Albanian nation is one of the fundamental tendencies in the identity discussions in post-communist Albania. The European aspirations of the Albanians encouraged the victimization of identity discourse and promoted seeing contemporary Albanian problems in the context of the collapse of Ottoman Empire. Demands to revise history proposed by of the Democratic Party of Albania after 2009 elections fostered the reinforcement of the mythologized vision of history but also lead to the conflict of the memory of Albania and Turkey, whose policies of memory form part of the current political needs of both countries.
EN
The article discusses the origin and development of the ecological movement in Bulgaria in the first period of political transformation, against the background of similar experiences of Balkan countries. In the Balkan reality, the social activity of ecological groups is perceived as an example of the penetration of Western European cultural patterns, but also as an effect of "ecological pressure" resulting from the aspirations of South-Eastern European countries to integrate with European structures. To a small extent, the contemporary ecological sensitivity of the inhabitants of the Balkans refers to earlier experiences, such as those from the first decade of the political transformation. Against this background, the birth of the "indigenous" ecological movement in Bulgaria and its significant participation in the downfall of Todor Zhivkov's regime can be considered an exceptional phenomenon.
PL
Artykuł omawia powstanie i rozwój ruchu ekologicznego w Bułgarii w pierwszym okresie transformacji ustrojowej, na tle podobnych doświadczeń państw bałkańskich. W bałkańskich realiach społeczna aktywność ugrupowań ekologicznych jest postrzegana jako przykład przenikania zachodnioeuropejskich wzorców kulturowych, ale także jako efekt „presji ekologicznej” wynikającej z dążenia krajów Europy Południowo-Wschodniej do integracji ze strukturami europejskimi. W niewielkim stopniu współczesna wrażliwość ekologiczna mieszkańców Bałkanów odwołuje się do wcześniejszych doświadczeń, choćby tych z pierwszej dekady transformacji ustrojowej. Na tym tle zjawiskiem za zjawisko wyjątkowe można uznać narodziny „autochtonicznego” ruchu ekologicznego w Bułgarii, a także jego znaczący udział w procesie upadku reżimu Todora Żiwkowa.
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