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1

Recenzja książki: Jacek Wojnicki (2014), Partie socjaldemokratyczne w wybranych państwach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, Warszawa, 217 stron

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Szczepański D.
Przegląd Europejski
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2015
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issue 2(36)
136-139
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Proposals for Constitutional Changes in the Presidential Election Campaign in Poland in 2020

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Szczepański D.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2020
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issue 6 (58)
191-201
EN
The article discusses the proposals for changing the constitution, which were officially presented during the presidential election campaign in Poland in 2020. The article consists of two main parts. The first part focuses on the presented proposals of laws concerning the regulation in question, while the second focuses on the postulates resulting from the activity of candidates running for the office of President in Poland in 2020.
PL
W artykule omówiono propozycje dotyczące zmiany konstytucji, które zostały oficjalnie przedstawione w trakcie prezydenckiej kampanii wyborczej w Polsce w 2020 r. Artykuł składa się z dwóch zasadniczych części. W pierwszej z nich uwagę skoncentrowano na przedstawionych propozycjach ustaw dotyczących omawianej regulacji, natomiast w drugiej skupiono się na postulatach będących wytworem aktywności kandydatów ubiegających się o urząd prezydenta w Polsce w 2020 r.
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The reasons of invalidity of votes in elections to voivodeship councils in 2014 in the light of the study of voting papers in the National Archive in Kielce

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Szczepański D.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2016
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issue 6 (34)
361-372
EN
The aim of the article is to present results of the study done on voting papers in the National Archive in Kielce, that concerns the phenomenon and reasons of spoilt votes in the elections to voivodeship councils in 2014. 29 electoral districts that included: 10 districts from the Lesser Poland voivodeship, 7 from the Lublin voivodeship, 6 from Subcarpathian voivodeship and 6 from the Holy Cross voivodeship, were subjected to a de- tailed analysis. Apart from exact indication of the reasons for spoilt votes in elections to voivodeship councils themselves a detailed classification of those votes was done by dividing them into votes with excessive “x” signs, empty votes, votes with other signs than “x”, votes with multiple “x” signs and strikethroughs, protest votes and the so-called different votes. On this basis a description of regional differentiation of those votes was made. The whole study was done within the framework of the research project “Your vote, your choice”, realized by Stefan Batory Foundation in collaboration with the National Electoral Office, the National Election Commission and the Head Office of the State Archives.
PL
Celem artykuły było przedstawienie wyników z przeprowadzonego badania kart wyborczych w Archiwum Państwowym w Kielcach dotyczącego zjawiska i przyczyn głosów nieważnych w wyborach do sejmików województw w 2014 r. Szczegółowej analizie poddano 29 obwodów wyborczych, na które złożyły się: 10 obwodów wyborczych z województwa małopolskiego, 7 z województwa lubelskiego, 6 z województwa podkarpackiego i 6 z województwa świętokrzyskiego. Oprócz szczegółowego wskazania samych powodów nieważności głosów w wyborach do sejmików województw dokonano szczegółowej klasyfikacji tychże głosów z ich podziałem na głosy z nadmiarowymi znakami „x”, głosy puste, głosy stanowiące inny znak niż „x”, głosy z wieloma znakami „x” i przekreśleniami, głosy protestu i tzw. głosy różne. Na tej podstawie dokonano charakterystyki zróżnicowania terytorialnego tych głosów. Całość badania realizowana była w ramach projektu badawczego pt. „Masz Głos, Masz Wybór” zrealizowanego przez Fundację im. Stefana Batorego we współpracy z Krajowym Biurem Wyborczym, Państwową Komisją Wyborczą oraz Naczelną Dyrekcją Archiwów Państwowych.
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Electoral strategies of the Union of Freedom and the Democratic Party demokraci.pl

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Szczepański D.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2015
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issue 6 (28)
201-214
EN
The aim of the article was to present the electoral strategy of the Freedom Union and The Democratic Party demokraci.pl. Strategies that were used during the parliamentary and the government elections were analyzed. In the first case a way of expressing major purposes that both the UW and the PD wanted to achieve by gaining parliamentary representation was discussed. In the second case the way of conducting self-government campaign, which was carried out usin slightly different electoral strategies was discussed. It involved the possibility of joining electoral coalition and gaining seats in local provinces, districts councils, municipal councils and offices of mayors and presidents of cities. The thing that was characteristic of the UW and the PD in the electoral strategies was inefficiency in terms of activities.
PL
Celem artykułu było przedstawienie strategii wyborczych Unii Wolności oraz Partii Demokratycznej demokraci pl. Analizie poddano te strategie, które wykorzystywano w trakcie wyborów parlamentarnych oraz samorządowych. W pierwszym przypadku mieliśmy do czynienia z przedstawieniem sposobów artykułowania głównych celów, które zarówno UW i PD chciały osiągnąć poprzez zdobycie parlamentarnej reprezentacji. Natomiast w drugim omówiono sposoby prowadzenia kampanii samorządowych, za pomocą których realizowano nieco odmienne strategie wyborcze. Złożyły się na nie możliwość zawarcia koalicji wyborczej i zdobycia mandatów w sejmikach województw, radach powiatów, radach gmin oraz urzędów wójtów, burmistrzów i prezydentów miast. To, co charakteryzowało UW i PD w zakresie realizowanych strategii wyborczych była nieefektywność w zakresie prowadzonych działań.
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Wybór opcji czy osoby? Determinanty zachowań wyborczych mieszkańców województwa podkarpackiego w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2014 r. w świetle badań empirycznych

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Szczepański D.
Political Preferences
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2015
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issue 10
177-194
EN
The aim of the article was to present factors influencing voting behaviours of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship citizens during European Parliament elections in 2014, in the light of the conducted empirical research. The indicators that guided voters when casting votes to ballot boxes were analysed on the basis of a set of variables, such as: the attractiveness of election programmes and political parties, competences of candidates, the role of the Catholic Church during the election campaign, or the awareness of voters (self-reliance in making electoral decisions or its lack). The analysis and interpretations from the conducted research were preceded by a voting description of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship, treated, on a electoral map of Poland, as a specific region due to its above average support given to candidates and parties of right-wing provenance. In the final part conclusions drawn from the analytical process were presented.
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Upartyjnienie versus personalizacja jako czynniki determinujące zachowania wyborcze w krajowych elekcjach w 2015 roku

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Szczepański D.
Political Preferences
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2016
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issue 12
73-88
EN
The aim of the article was to present factors that determined voting behaviour of citizens in national elections in 2015 in the perspective of party and personal attitudes of the interviewees. Except for presenting conclusions that result from the course of the research process in the aforementioned range, also the elements that could have affected eventual responses of the interviewees were indicated. These include changes at the position of PO (civic platform) leaders, appearance of new political entities (Ryszard Petru’s Nowoczesna, Together Party, Kukiz’15), or unification processes on the political right, and partially on the left. Personal conflicts and ways of conducting the campaign that could have affected attitudes of voters were also indicated.
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Subcarpathia in the perspective of parliamentary elections in 2015

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Szczepański D.
Political Preferences
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2016
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issue 13
165-179
EN
Subcarpathian voivodeship that was formed in 1999 as a result of the administrative reform preserved voting traditions from all former voivodeships that comprise the current territorial unit of the country. It is noteworthy that the most important factors that significantly influenced electoral preferences of the Subcarpathia voivodeship were dominating electoral habits after 1989; electoral system elements, selected socio-economic indicators, as well as historical and religious determinants. The abovementioned factors are also supported by the positively verified partitions hypothesis, according to which it is assumed that in each partition area different patterns of political culture as well as various dominating political and ideological orientations were formed. This process was determined by policies of partitioning powers towards Polish citizens in the annexed areas, as well as the character and way of organising state by the partitioning powers, the level of their economic and cultural development. It is by means of following tradition that the above patterns are passed from generation to generation, which firstly confirms its timelessness, and secondly finds its reflection in election results in Subcarpathia.
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Subcarpathian Voivodship on the Electoral Map of Poland (1989-2014)

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Szczepański D.
Political Preferences
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2015
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issue 11
173-186
EN
The aim of the article was to present electoral activities diversification as well as political preferences of the citizens of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship in years 1989-2014. The measure of the conducted analyses were the results of parliamentary and European Parliament elections, by means of which it was possible to indicate recurring cyclicality of right-wing political sympathies of the citizens of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship, as well as noticable, with regards to the whole country, election turnout. The primary part of the conducted analysis was an attempt to answer the question of what determined the change of political preferences and if contemporary electoral activity and political sympathies reflect historical and cultural determinants.
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JACEK WILAMOWSKI, ANDRZEJ ZASIECZNY: AFERA JOSKA MITZENMACHERA. TAJEMNICE POLICJI POLITYCZNEJ, AGENCJA WYDAWNICZA CB, WARSZAWA 2006

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Szczepański D.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2008
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issue 5
293-296 (4)
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POLITYKA SPOŁECZNA W MYŚLI POLITYCZNEJ UNII WOLNOŚCI PO ROKU 2000 (WYBRANE ZAGADNIENIA)

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Szczepański D.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2011
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issue 8
316-331 (8)
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MARIA WINCŁAWSKA: UNIA WOLNOŚCI: PARTIA POLITYCZNA W OKRESIE TRANSFORMACJI WYDAWNICTWO NAUKOWE SCHOLAR, WARSZAWA 2010,

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Szczepański D.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2011
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issue 8
395-399 (5)
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INSTYTUCJONALIZACJA FORM RYWALIZACJI POLITYCZNEJ W WYBORACH DO PARLAMENTU EUROPEJSKIEGO W WOJEWÓDZTWIE PODKARPACKIM W 2014 ROKU

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Szczepański D.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2015
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issue 1(13)
46-57 (12)
EN
The purpose of the article is to present institutional forms of political competition treated as arbitrational issue of the authorities based on the election. The analysis was conducted on the basis of the three forms of political competition; namely conflict, public order and the configuration between the ruling party and the opposition. The direct background to the above-mentioned forms was the election to the Euro-pean Parliament in the Subcarpathian Voivodeship in 2014. Analysis was also carried out taking into consideration specifics of this Voivodeship, when treated as a specific region on the electoral map of Poland.
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KRYSTYNA TREMBICKA: MIĘDZY UTOPIĄ A RZECZYWISTOŚCIĄ. MYŚL POLITYCZNA KOMUNISTYCZNEJ PARTII POLSKI (1918–1938), WYDAWNICTWO UNIWERSYTETU MARII CURIE-SKŁODOWSKIEJ, LUBLIN 2007,

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Szczepański D.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2008
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issue 5
288-292 (5)
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Sekretariaty krajowe Unii Wolności jako przykład strategii partii opozycyjnej (1994–1997)

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Szczepański D.
UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences
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2017
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issue 1(2)
98-115
EN
The aim of the article was to present the circumstances of the foundation and activi-ty of the National Offices of The Freedom Union (UW) that comprised an executive and operational level guiding the contemporary work of the abovementioned political party; it was positioned between the Presidium and the Parliamentary Club, and was organiza-tionally and substantively responsible for particular areas. In 1994–1997 the National Offices were a part of UW opposition against the coalition of the Democratic Left Alli-ance (SLD) and The Polish People's Party (PSL) founded in 1993, thanks to which they became a sort of a ‘shadow cabinet’, monitoring and reacting to the current policy of the SLD-PSL government. The activity of those offices contributed to the stimulation and activation of party members, especially at the local level, by, for example, creating a network of regional spokesmen, closely cooperating with expert groups, representatives of local self-governments, associations and trades unions. The second important criterion connected with the activity of the discussed structures was developing a series of programme doc-uments, including resolutions and statements critical of the SLD-PSL coalition.
PL
Celem artykułu było przedstawienie okoliczności powstania i działalności sekre-tariatów krajowych Unii Wolności (UW). W latach 1994–1997 stanowiły one jedno z zagadnień opozycyjności UW wobec zawiązanej w 1993 r. koalicji Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycznej (SLD) i Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego (PSL), dzięki czemu stały się swoistym gabinetem cieni monitorującym oraz reagującym na bieżącą politykę rządu SLD-PSL. Sekretariaty krajowe pracowały z różną intensywnością oraz w zróżnicowanym zakresie. Ich aktywność, przynajmniej w początkowej fazie działania, skierowana była wyłącznie do członków i sympatyków partii, natomiast w miarę rozszerzania porusza-nych problemów, tworzenia nowych zespołów i sekretariatów zapraszano do pracy w nich przedstawicieli kultury, oświaty, samorządów, związków zawodowych czy stowarzyszeń. Działalność sekretariatów przyczyniła się do ożywienia i zaktywizowa-nia członków partii, zwłaszcza na poziomie lokalnym, m.in. poprzez stworzenie sieci rzeczników regionalnych ściśle współpracujących ze środowiskami eksperckimi, przedstawicielami samorządu terytorialnego, stowarzyszeń i związków zawodowych. Drugim ważnym kryterium związanym z działalnością omawianych struktur było wypracowanie szeregu dokumentów programowych, w tym rezolucji i stanowisk, krytycznie odnoszących się do koalicji SLD-PSL.
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AKCJA WYBORCZA SOLIDARNOŚĆ I RUCH SPOŁECZNY AWS W RZESZOWIE

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Szczepański D.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2014
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issue 3(12)
5-18 (14)
EN
The purpose of the article is the presentation of the origins of the 1996 Solidarity Elec-toral Campaign, an electoral union composed of right-wing and centre-right parties. On the basis of this, the cornerstone of the political party AWS Social Movement was created. The conditions which led to the creation of the aforementioned subject in Rzeszow are subject to analysis, and the participation of AWS and AWS SM in parliamentary, local and presidential elections in the region is characterised. Issues which have a de-structive impact on AWS and caused its dissolution are also discussed.
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GENEZA POWSTANIA PARTII POLITYCZNEJ NA PRZYKŁADZIE KONGRESU LIBERALNO-DEMOKRATYCZNEGO (1983–1990)

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Szczepański D.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2009
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issue 6
103-112 (10)
EN
The paper aims at presenting a genealogy of the origins of one of the most influential political groupings in Poland of the early 1990s – Kongres Liberalno-Demokratyczny (Liberal-Democractic Congress). The beginnings of the party are related to a periodical „Przegląd Polityczny” which has been published since 1983 escaping the political censorship. „Przegląd Polityczny” was a fulcrum of the milieu of young liberal intelligentsia in Gdańsk. In the first period of its existence, the milieu of Gdańsk liberals opted for active participation in the underground Polish political life without seeing a necessity of creating a political programme. Only in 1988, an initiative was taken to organise the I Kongres Liberałów (I Congress of Liberals). Basing on changes introduced to Law on Associations, an application was filed to register a political party. The process culminated in the establishing of Kongres Liberalno-Demokratyczny during a founders’ congress which took place 29–30 June 1990. Janusz Lewandowski was elected the chairman of the party although Jan Krzysztof Bielecki, supported by the Polish President Lech Wałęsa remained an informal leader of the party. Being one of the most mature political parties – in terms of its programmatic basis – Kongres Liberalno- Demokratyczny proved still immature in organizational terms, being unable to draw on the experience of either conservatists or liberals. This situation could be explained by pointing to ideological views of KLD members, modelled on Western exemplars as well as the characteristics of the broader environment in which they came to act. Some fears raised by free market and democracy also contributed to the fact that their initial courage in voicing radical slogans eventually resulted in their rapidly dwindling electorate and diminishing capacity of the party to make an impact on the electorate.
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OBLICZA POLSKIEGO SYSTEMU POLITYCZNEGO POD RED. BARBARY KRAUZ-MOZER, KATARZYNY SOBOLEWSKIEJ-MYŚLIK WYDAWNICTWO ADAM MARSZAŁEK, TORUŃ 2007

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Szczepański D.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2009
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issue 6
161-165 (5)
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DOMINIK SIEKLUCKI: PARTIE LEWICY I CENTROLEWICY W POLSKIM SYSTEMIE PARTYJNYM: AKTYWNOŚĆ SLD, PSL I UP NA POLSKIEJ SCENIE POLITYCZNEJ WYDAWNICTWO UNIWERSYTETU JAGIELLOŃSKIEGO, KRAKÓW 2006,

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Szczepański D.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2009
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issue 6
156-160 (5)
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WYBORY UZUPEŁNIAJĄCE DO SENATU NA PODKARPACIU W 2013 ROKU

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Szczepański D.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2014
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issue 2(12)
37-48 (12)
EN
The aim of this article is to present the election campaign in the by-election to the Senate in the Subcarpathian voivodeship called by the President of the Republic of Po-land Bronisław Komorowski for 8th September, 2013. The main reason for calling the by-election was the fact that the mandate of Władysław Ortyl, elected as the Marshal of the Subcarpathian voivodeship, terminated. Ultimately, seven candidates supported by their own parties or electoral committees endeavoured to win the support of the local electorate and entered the campaign. A visit paid by top representatives of Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish People’s Party and United Poland to the region of the Subcarpathian voivodeship was an essential element of the election campaign. The representatives finally did battle for Subcarpathia. The by-election to the Senate in Subcarpathia in 2013 showed that in electoral competi-tion the political parties performed a decisive role, not their candidates, as evidenced by the election result achieved by the Law and Justice candidate in relation to his political opponents.
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WIZJA PAŃSTWA W MYŚLI POLITYCZNEJ UNII WOLNOŚCI

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Szczepański D.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2012
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issue 10
151-159 (9)
EN
The aim of the article was to present the UW party’s assumptions of the political system of the country. A particular attention was paid to the principle of separation of powers and the need to maintain a balance between the legislative, administrative and judicatory power. The scope of the various authorities have been discussed, and specific solutions pointed at which, according to UW ideologues, may have contributed to their better functioning.
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