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Strategie personalne w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego 2014. Próba oceny efektywności polskich partii

100%
Peszyński W.
Studia Wyborcze
|
2015
|
vol. XIX
31-51
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony ocenie efektywności strategii personalnych polskich partii politycznych w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2014 roku. Strategie personalne należy rozumieć, jako plan doboru kandydatów i odpowiedniego ich uszeregowania na listach wyborczych, co ma wpłynąć na uzyskanie zakładanego rezultatu wyborczego. W artykule uwaga autora została skoncentrowana na pięciu komitetach, które w przedmiotowej elekcji wprowadziły do Parlamentu Europejskiego swoich przedstawicieli. Ocena efektywności polegała na skonfrontowaniu ze sobą założeń strategii z rezultatami wyborczymi poszczególnych kandydatów poszczególnych komitetów. Strategie personalne stanowiły jeden z kilku czynników, który zaważył w tych wyborach na minimalnym zwycięstwie PO nad PiS. Miało to miejsce dlatego, że pierwsza z tych partii podeszła do procesu nominacji kandydatów na listy w sposób zdecydowanie bardziej marketingowy. W przypadku pozostałych komitetów zastosowane strategie kadrowe w niewielkim stopniu wpłynęły na ich rezultaty wyborcze. Jednakże uzasadnione jest przypuszczenie, że bez takiego podejście do realizacji funkcji selekcyjnej ich wynik wyborczy (zwłaszcza SLD-UP i PSL) byłby gorsze od uzyskanych.
EN
The aim of this article is to assess the effectiveness of personal strategies applied by Polish political parties during the election to the European Parliament in 2014. Personal strategies ought to be understood as conscious choice of candidates and their proper placement on electoral lists, which is supposed to influence the final result of the election. The article focuses on five committees whose representatives were chosen to become Members of the European Parliament. The assessment of the effectiveness was performed by the confrontation of the strategy assumption and the results of given candidates. Personal strategies made one of several factors that decided of the minimal victory of Civil Platform over Law and Justice. This was due to the fact that the former party took advantage of certain political marketing activities. As regards the remaining committees, the personal strategies they applied had little impact on the election results. However, it is reasonable to claim that without any strategies at all, their results would have been worse, particularly in case of Democratic Left Alliance – Labor Union and Polish People's Party.
2
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Prezydencjalizacja zachowań wyborczych w elekcji parlamentarnej w 2015 roku

100%
Peszyński W.
Political Preferences
|
2016
|
issue 12
37-55
EN
In this article the author analyses the process by means of the quantitative and proportional distribution of answers regarding two questions. The first one concerns the leader effect and the second the social approval for television debates participated by the leaders of the two major political parties (the questions can be found next to the tables presenting the results of the study). In the research under consideration were used the same questions as in 2012 and 2013, when no nation-wide election was organized. The comparison of the results gathered in those “election-free” years and in 2015, when two important votings (presidential and parliamentary) took place may bring particularly interesting conclusions.
3
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Polish Presidential Election 2015 in the light of first and second order election conception

100%
Peszyński W.
Political Preferences
|
2016
|
issue 13
57-72
EN
Among all the elections organized in Poland, presidential elections are not only the ones with a highest turnout, but also most eagerly investigated by the researchers. However, the studies concerning the importance of this particular voting is not often examined. On the one hand, there are arguments to classify it as first-order election, on the other, for certain reasons they ought to be regarded as second-order. The aim of this article is to answer the question whether 2015 Polish presidential election were of first or rather second-order importance. In his analysis, the author focused on the following issues: personal strategies, programme strategies, the course of the campaign in the traditional and new media, the level of electoral participation and the influence of the election on the course and outcome of the parliamentary campaign.
4
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Presidentialization of Electorate’s Behavior in the Election to Voivodeship Sejmiks in 2018

100%
Peszyński W.
Political Preferences
|
2019
|
issue 24
27-44
EN
The main category in this article is electoral presidentialization, understood as a tendency of voters’ behavior to mirror the decisions typical for presidential elections. Here, the category under consideration is analyzed in two dimensions: leader effect and social approval for the organization of television debates of the leaders of two most important parties. The author explains the process in question on the basis of quantitative and percentage distribution of answers to two questions to be found in three editions of the nation-wide electorate study “Political Preferences”. This article concerns voters’ preferences in a survey that was conducted just after the self-government election in 2018. In order to grasp the specificity of electoral behavior in this particular voting, the analysis was conducted in a comparative manner, and the subject of comparison was the 2015 election to the Sejm. The results of studies organized in 2012 and 2013, when no election was organized in Poland, were also referred to in a necessary scope.
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