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EN
The subject of Russian propaganda offensive is important and worth examining for several reasons: firstly, it concerns states that Poland borders with and are important in its foreign and security policy; secondly, Poland is exposed to the Russian propaganda and the level of social awareness of it is low; thirdly, there is visible intensification since 2013 of Russian informative and cultural offensive, not only towards Ukraine, but also towards member states of the EU and NATO, so towards Poland too. Propaganda offensive is conducted by Russia by wide array of means and methods, including “the Russian Word” concept, method of creation the enemies, creating its own narration and its popularization through the Russian mass media and the Russians and Russian-speaking minority living in Ukraine. The aim of the article is not only the analysis of Russian propaganda towards Ukraine, the state that is crucial for Russian reintegration and neoimperial projects, but also the analysis of counteroffensive actions taken by Kyiv.
PL
Since the mid-90s the Russian Federation has remained the most important player in the CIS region. It has the greatest potential of instruments which can be used towards the post-Soviet states in political and military domain to maintain and maybe even broaden its influence in its former colonies. It seems that Iran has the least potential to employ. Its situation is the most complex one because of Western and Turkish concerns not only about fundamentalism export to the Muslim post-Soviet countries but also the disturbing issues not directly connected with the CIS region – Iranian nuclear program, its backing for terrorist organization in the Middle East, its anti-Israeli position and Teheran engagement in the Syrian conflict.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14762
EN
The USSR used to be a very important actor in the Middle East. Immediately after the dissolution of the Soviet empire, Russia’s involvement in the region was reduced. However, since the mid-1990s Moscow’s efforts on strengthen its position in the region became evident. This article aims to show the determinants and goals of the Russian Federation’s foreign policy towards Syria in the 21st century. It will provide a brief analysis of the reasons and interests for Russia’s activity in Syria and support for Bashar al-Assad since the outbreak of the civil war.
EN
Region of Central Asia is one of many areas of the world, in which interests of western countries especially the United States (but also the EU), Russia and China are crossing. Turkey and Iran being a participant of “the New Great Game” are not yet the main players in the regional competition. The rivalry concerns mainly on economic dimension (natural gas and oil resources) but relates as well to political, military and security issues. At the same time there is several areas of cooperation between Russia and Iran, Moscow and Beijing or even between whole participants of the rivalry. Such an cooperation occurs for example in common efforts connected with the war on international terrorism or against drug trafficking. Furthermore Russia, Iran and China are worried about the increasing role of United States in Central Asia countries. Despite the rivalry, which takes place in Central Asia and decreasing Russian role in this region, Moscow is still the important player, mainly because it controls so far a considerable part of Central Asian pipelines and has located there military bases.
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