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1

Dialektyka „swój”–„obcy” w prawicowej filozofii politycznej (1789– –1945)

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Wielomski A.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
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2019
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vol. 41
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issue 2
29-54
EN
The aim of the author of this text is to polemicize with the stereotype according to which nationalism is a synonym of the “extreme right.” For this purpose the method of historical exemplification was used. Part I of this text is devoted to defining the concept of the “right” and to present the supporters of the French Revolution and other 19th-century revolutions, their idea of nationalism, the nation-state and sovereignty of the nation. This presentation shows that up to 1890 nationalism is located in the revolutionary left. The first nationalists are Jacobins. The counter-revolutionary right is opposed to nationalism. For this right, nationalism is combined with the idea of empowering nations to the rights of self-determination, which is closely connected with the idea of people’s sovereignty. This situation persists until 1870–1914, when the ideas of national sovereignty are implemented in the politics of the modern states. However, the liberal state does not meet the expectations of nationalists, because it neglects the interests of the nation as the highest value. That is the cause for them moving from the political left to the right part of the political scene, replacing the legitimist right. The latter is annihilated with the decline of aristocracy. In the 19th century, the left is nationalistic and xenophobic. We find clear racist sympathies on the left. The political right does not recognize the right of nations to self-determination, the idea of ethnic boundaries. It is cosmopolitan.
2
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A Small Polemic about English Political Thought. Gloss to the Book of Tomasz Tulejski

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Wielomski A.
Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne
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2019
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vol. 110
209-219
PL
Tekst ten stanowi polemikę z dwoma szkicami książki Tomasza Tulejskiego Od Hookera do Benthama. Eseje o angielskiej myśli ustrojowej (2018). Autor nie zgadza się z charakterystyką i umiejscowieniem na angielskiej scenie teologiczno-politycznej dwóch bohaterów książki: Richarda Hookera i Jakuba VI/I. W swoich analizach prof. Tulejski pomija angielskich katolików. Dzięki temu umiejscawia Hookera i Jakuba VI/I na konserwatywnej części angielskiej sceny politycznej i religijnej, zamiast w jej środku. Dodatkowo, sprzeciw Autora budzi ocena teorii absolutyzmu Jakuba VI/I i jej stosunku do angielskiej tradycji ustrojowej.
EN
This text is a polemic with two sketches from Tomasz Tulejski’s book of Od Hookera do Benthama. Eseje o angielskiej myśli ustrojowej (2018). The author does not agree with the characteristics and location of the two heroes of this book – Richard Hooker and James VI/I – on the English theological-political scene. In his analysis, Prof. Tulejski omits English Catholics. Thanks to this omission, he places Hooker and James VI/I on the conservative side of the English political and religious scene instead of in the middle. Additionally, the author objects to the evaluation of James VI/I’s absolutist theory on his relationship to the English political tradition.
3

Czy Adolf Hitler był katechonem? Uwaga na marginesie dyskusji o istocie teologii politycznej Carla Schmitta

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Wielomski A.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
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2012
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vol. 34
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issue 2
39-77
EN
The paper puts forward the hypothesis that Carl Schmitt’s flirting with National Socialism and the Third Reich was not motivated by opportunistic factors. He was also not influenced by purported ideological closeness, as is sometimes suggested by scholars of either left-wing or Fascist orienta­tion. The author proposed a hypothesis that Carl Schmitt gave his support to Adolf Hitler because, writing contemporaneous political events and occurrences into his political theology, he considered Hitler to be the katechon from Saint Paul’s Second Epistle to the Thessalonians. Although extremely interested in this issue, Schmitt never explicitly wrote who or what the katechon is. Therefore the hy­pothesis cannot be proven beyond any doubt. Nevertheless, the gathered material indicates that such an interpretation is both possible and credible. During the 1933–1947 period Hitler was perceived by Schmitt as the katechon. The indirect support for this hypothesis is provided by numerous clues left by the German jurist, and also by various contexts in which his considerations on the concept of katechon appeared. Schmitt’s self-accounting with National Socialism became possible only in 1948 when he realized that the Catholic Church is the true katechon and that the Third Reich had been led by the Antichrist.
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Kosciół konstytucyjny we Francji i jego teologia polityczna

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Wielomski A.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2010
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issue 1(13)
109-125
EN
This article is dedicated to, so-called, „constitution church” problem in France (1790-1801). Although it is one of the most interesting episodes of the French Revolution, it remains almost unfathomable up until today. This faith was established in 1790 after Civil Constitution of the Clergy – who was forcibly democratizing French Church (bishops and clerics elected by citizens with political rights only) and breaking it away from Rome – law passed. However this text isn’t dedicated to history, but theology of this faith, especially political and revolutionist ideology influence on it. This theology accepted Church dogmatist and teaching subordination to the State ideological requirements. Nationalistic and democratic elements were accented, focusing on the battle with “foreign” Pope, who does not posses democratic legitimization.
5

Eric Voegelin wobec narodowego socjalizmu. Próba filozoficzno-religijnej interpretacji zjawiska

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Wielomski A.
Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi
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2010
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vol. 32
33-54
EN
The article is devoted to Eric Voegelin’s efforts at the interpretation of National Socialism. He was a prominent Austrian historian of philosophy who escaped from the Third Reich to the United States. Voegelin’s philosophy grew out of the crisis of classical philosophy and from its confrontation with modernist thought out of which National Socialism itself also sprouted. Nevertheless this author analyzed the phenomenon of Fascism in only one book, namely Hitler und die Deutschen. There are many indications that Voegelin believed that his work was truly groundbreaking as far as the phenomenon of Nazism is concerned. The fact that its reception was not particularly favorable was for him a source of deep anguish and disappointment. The article encompasses the analysis of aforementioned book and its comparison with other works by Voegelin. According to the author of this text, the failure of the Austrian historian’s book was a result of its banality. Voegelin made a quite a simplistic claim that German people at large are responsible for the emergence of Fascism.
Although his political preferences ought to be described as conservative, he still maintained that Catholic and Evangelical Churches also can be blamed for excesses of National Socialism (this opinion disqualified his book among right-wing readers). At the same time representatives of leftleaning audience refused to read and acknowledge Voegelin’s book due to the author’s generally right-wing viewpoint.
6

Geneza antropologii politycznej Carla Schmitta

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Wielomski A.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
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2017
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vol. 39
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issue 1
75-94
EN
This text concerns the political anthropology of Carl Schmitt. Schmitt says that man is inhe­rently evil, he is born in evilness. On this thesis he builds their theory of politics and the concept of the authoritarian state. But he nowhere is developing his political anthropology. It does not explain why the man is born evil and does not explain what is the source of this view? The literature about Schmitt’s theory proposes three interpretations: Christian inspiration, lecture of the writings of Tho­mas Hobbes, fear of Bolshevism. The author examines these three interpretations and proposes his own. The political anthropology of Carl Schmitt is the mixture of orthodox St. Augustine’s teaching, Hobbes’s theory, fear of Communism, perhaps the tribulations of family life.
7

Interpretacje Carla Schmitta na świecie i w Polsce

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Wielomski A.
Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi
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2011
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vol. 33
415–431
EN
The purpose of this text is the comparison of the interpretations of Carl Schmitt’s thought in Poland and worldwide. Polish literature on Schmitt is very modest: two large monographs and some scientific articles. It focuses on the problem of the theory of the state and politics. At the same time, the world literature is very abundant. Schmitt is a thinker concerned with many topics. He wrote about many problems. For a long time there has been a tendency to look for the interpretive key to use in order to find a central theme of his reflections and then read the rest of his works through this perspective. Researchers identify these central themes as: a critique of liberalism, political theology, favorability towards Nazism, political opportunism. This text shows four major worldwide interpretations and their reflection in the Polish-language literature.
8
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Narodziny, rozwój i dezintegracja idei praw fundamentalnych i tradycyjnej konstytucji w zachodniej myśli politycznej od renesansu do oświecenia

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Wielomski A.
Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne
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2021
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vol. 73
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issue 2
35-61
EN
The paper presents the idea of fundamental laws and of a traditional constitution in the European practice and political thought between the 16th and the 17th century. The article demonstrates that the essence of this concept is the limitation of a sovereign’s power by a parliament, the rights of social estates, religion and traditional institutions. The source of the disintegration and of the collapse of this first wave of European constitutionalism can be found in the Protestant Reformation, domestic and foreign religious wars as well as in the methods employed in confessional wars: Machiavellianism and political mobilisation.
PL
Tekst przedstawia ideę praw fundamentalnych i tradycyjnej konstytucji w europejskiej praktyce i myśli politycznej w XVI i XVII stuleciu. Autor pokazuje, że istotą tej koncepcji jest ograniczenie władzy suwerena przez parlament, prawa stanów, religię i tradycyjne instytucje. Źródło dezintegracji i upadku tego pierwszego europejskiego konstytucjonalizmu widzi w reformacji, wojnach religijnych wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych, a także w środkach stosowanych w walkach konfesyjnych: makiawelizmu i mobilizacji politycznej.
9
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Mauro Cappellariego polemika z jansenizmem

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Wielomski A.
Doctrina. Studia społeczno-polityczne
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2010
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vol. 7
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issue 7
179-196
PL
The age of Enlightenment is first of all the epoch of explosion of lay and anticlerical thought. They come into being deistical, agnostic and atheistic systems then. Simultaneously the theology of the 18th century is in the deep stagnation and with the large problems we can find the decisive conceptions and solution here. The atrophy of metaphysics is as such the characteristic feature of Enlightenment and the fall of interest of the theology; which links with the crisis of culture and the crisis in Church. The lack of new conceptions is visible of the great thinkers, the main existing previously trends are continued, well-known in Church from several centuries, named the concyliarism with susceptibility to galicalism solutions, recognized as the infallibility of the whole Church only at the council. The Catholic thought of the epoch of Enlightenment begins accepting the nationalistic patern of the epoch. The belief weakens in primacy and the infallibility of Bishop of Rome. Therefore it should not surprise, that the intellectual vitality shows only dissatisfied of episcopate directions – the status quo of the Church, and namely French and Italian jansenists and the disputing with them Italian ultramontans. The main aim of presented article is the presentation main points of that polemics, especially with the perspective of works of Mauro Cappellari.
10
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Georges Sorel i narodziny faszystowskiego mitu politycznego

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Wielomski A.
International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal
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2021
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vol. 27
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issue 1
63-72
EN
Georges Sorel is a Franco-Italian thinker, famous as the creator of the theory of modern political mythology. In Poland Sorel is seen only as a Marxist thinker. In reality, Sorel was a nonorthodox Marxist, but in the last decades of his life he constructed a political mythology of revolution from the Left and the Right. Sorel can be seen in collaboration with communists and sindicalists in Italy and nationalists and monarchists in France. His mixture of communist and nationalist ideas is the ground for the fascist movement of Benito Mussolini.
PL
Gorges Sorel to francusko-włoski myśliciel znany jako twórca teorii współczesnej mitologii politycznej. W Polsce Sorel jest postrzegany tylko jako myśliciel marksistowski. Rzeczywistość jest jednak bardziej skomplikowana. Sorel był nieortodoksyjnym myślicielem marksistowskim, a w ostatniej epoce swego życia skonstruował polityczną mitologię rewolucji od lewicy po prawicę. Sorela równie dobrze można uznać za współpracownika komunistów i syndykalistów we Włoszech co nacjonalistów i monarchistów we Francji. Jego mieszanka idei komunistycznych i nacjonalistycznych jest podstawą faszystowskiego ruchu Benito Mussoliniego.
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