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1

Grzegorz Moczygęba OFM (1888-1951) – duszpasterz i publicysta franciszkański

100%
Dąbrowski M.
Roczniki Teologiczne
|
2019
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vol. 66
|
issue 4: Historia Kościoła
113-125
PL
Kiedy w okresie oświecenia zaczęła pojawiać się prasa nie tylko podająca informacje, ale propagująca określone treści, również Kościół katolicki, a w nim liczne organizacje, wykorzystywały słowo pisane do ewangelizacji i duszpasterstwa. Artykuł przedstawia sylwetkę i działalność pisarską Grzegorza Moczygęby, franciszkanina, gorliwego duszpasterza Trzeciego Zakonu św. Franciszka. Przez 17 lat był członkiem prowincji św. Jadwigi z główną siedzibą we Wrocławiu, a po odrodzeniu w 1923 roku reformackiej prowincji Niepokalanego Poczęcia NMP zdecydował się do niej przejść. Poświęcał się pracy duszpasterskiej przede wszystkim na rzecz tercjarzy franciszkańskich, co miało wyraz także w jego licznych publikacjach. Przez kilka lat był także redaktorem czasopism wydawanych przez jego prowincję. Krótka charakterystyka pism Grzegorza Moczygęby pokazuje jego dobrą znajomość teologii, kultury, polityki oraz orientację w dokonujących się przemianach społecznych. Rozmaite tematy, które poruszał w swoich pismach sprawiały, że z jego publikacji korzystali nie tylko tercjarze franciszkańscy, ale także wiele innych osób bardziej zainteresowanych życiem Kościoła i własnym rozwojem duchowym.
2
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Gwarant czy arbiter? Rola Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w świetle art. 126 ust. 1 Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

100%
Dąbrowski M.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
|
2022
|
issue 4(68)
27-40
PL
Autor opracowania podnosi, że przypisanie Prezydentowi RP roli arbitra jest nieprawidłowe. Stanowi ono mylące nawiązanie do pozycji ustrojowej Prezydenta V Republiki Francuskiej, który posiada znacznie większą władzę. Pozbawia treści i znaczenia ustrojowego funkcję gwaranta ciągłości władzy, o której mowa w art. 126 ust. 1 Konstytucji RP. Prezydent RP nie jest bezstronny i apolityczny oraz bierze udział w realizacji polityki państwa. Cechy te uniemożliwiają mu zajęcie neutralnego stanowisko wobec uczestników konfliktu i jego bezstronne rozstrzygnięcie. Ponadto Konstytucja RP nie wyposaża go w odpowiednie kompetencje do pełnienia roli arbitra.
EN
The author of the study claims that assigning the role of an arbitrator to the President of the Republic of Poland is incorrect. It is a misleading reference to the constitutional position of the President of the Fifth French Republic, who vests much stronger power. It deprives the function of the guarantor of the continuity of power, referred to in Art. 126 (1) of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, of its content and systemic significance. The President of the Republic is not impartial and apolitical and takes part in the implementation of state policy. These features prevent him from taking a neutral position towards the participants in the conflict and from resolving it impartially. In addition, the Polish Constitution does not equip him with the appropriate competencies.
3
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E‑learning w szkolnictwie wyższym

100%
Dąbrowski M.
Studia BAS
|
2013
|
issue 3(35)
203-211
EN
The article looks at e‑learning, i.e. the use of electronic media, information and communication technologies in education. The author claims that the Polish universities need to develop this educational approach in order to respond to students’ needs and become competitive. The author presents current trends related to e‑learning, Polish legal basis for e‑learning, as well as potentials and barriers to its development.
4
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Sankcje konstytucyjne. Istota, funkcje oraz rodzaje

100%
Dąbrowski M.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2014
|
issue 5(124)
9-28
EN
The author presents basic explanation of a sanction and its basic types that are mentioned in the theory of law. According to the article, a constitutional tort is a breach of a constitutional norm, which is done by an authority in the course of fulfilling their constitutional obligations. The provisions of statutes associate a constitutional tort with several types of sanctions. The punishment for breaching the Constitution may be imposed on several types of subjects like an authority (either a single person or a body of persons, e.g. the Council of Ministers, the Sejm or the President of the Republic) as well as those persons who exercise constitutional powers (e.g. Members of Parliament, or Ministers). In some situations, the Public Treasury which has not committed the tort, is responsible for violating the Constitution. In the final part of the article the author examines the influence of time on the possibility of applying the sanctions. With few exceptions, the Constitution does not specify time limits for the application of negative consequences to stop the violations of constitutional norms. However, these time limits may be determined by statute. In such situations, after the expiry of a period of time indicated in the statute, the sanction cannot be applied. The essential role of constitutional sanctions is to force the authorities to obey constitutional rules. They also perform four additional functions: the function of repression, the function of restitution, the function of redistribution and the function of prevention.
5

Działalność opozycyjna na Katolickim Uniwersytecie Lubelskim w latach 1966-1989

100%
Dąbrowski M.
Roczniki Humanistyczne
|
2018
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vol. 66
|
issue 2: Historia. Zeszyt specjalny
197-240
PL
Przez cały okres Polski Ludowej katolicka uczelnia w Lublinie – jako autonomiczna wobec władz komunistycznych – stwarzała przestrzeń wolności i swobody działań, jaka na uczelniach państwowych była niemożliwa. Artykuł omawia, w jaki sposób owa nisza niezależności została wykorzystana przez środowisko akademickie w latach 1966-1989 do działań opozycyjnych i postaw oporu.
EN
During the all period of the communistic Poland the Catholic University of Lublin – as autonomous school in view of communistic authority – created a space of freedom and action, which to be impossible in the public college’s. The article shows, in which way those niche of independence the academic environment in the years 1966-1989 was used to a oppositional actions and resistance attitude’s.
6
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Glosa do postanowienia Trybunału Konstytucyjnego z 2 czerwca 2023 r. sygn. akt Kpt 1/17

100%
Dąbrowski M.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
|
2023
|
issue 5(75)
369-379
PL
Opracowanie odnosi się postanowienia TK z 2 czerwca 2023 r. o sygn. akt Kpt 1/17, wydanego w przedmiocie sporu kompetencyjnego pomiędzy Prezydentem a Sądem Najwyższym. Orzeczenie TK dotyczy uchwały SN z 31 maja 2017 r. sygn. akt I KZP 4/17, w której Sąd Najwyższy uznał, że Prezydent nie może stosować prawa łaski przed prawomocnym skazaniem. Trybunał uznał, że Sąd Najwyższy nie ma prawa kontrolować postanowień Prezydenta wydanych w ramach realizacji prerogatyw. Autor glosy krytycznie ocenia postanowienie TK. Uznaje bowiem, że w przedmiotowej spawie w ogóle nie było żadnego sporu kompetencyjnego i że celem działania TK było wydanie orzeczenia interpretującego art. 139 Konstytucji. Ponadto Sąd Najwyższy i sądy powszechne uprawnione są do oceny aktów łaski Prezydenta w ramach sądowego sprawowania wymiaru sprawiedliwości i domniemania kompetencji, o którym mowa w art. 177 Konstytucji.
EN
The article refers to the judgment of the Tribunal Court of 2 June 2023, file ref. no. Kpt 1/17. In this jurisdiction, the Tribunal resolves a competence dispute between the Supreme Court and the President of the Republic. In the resolution of 31 May 2017 file ref. no. I KZP 4/17 the Supreme Court climes that The President is not supposed to apply the law of pardon to people, who are not finally sentenced. The Tribunal decides that the Supreme Court doesn’t have a competence, which allows controlling the President’s individual acts. The Author of the article criticizes the Tribunal’s judgment and climes that in this particular case there is no a competence dispute. The Tribunal intends to present formally binding interpretation of the article no 139 of the Constitution. Furthermore, the Supreme Court and common courts are entitled to control President’s applying the right of pardon during fulfilling their function of the administration of justice.
7
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Michael P. Barber, Zbawienie. Co każdy katolik powinien wiedzieć

75%
Dąbrowski M.
Teologia w Polsce
|
2021
|
vol. 15
|
issue 1
183-190
8
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Nowoczesne technologie w rozwoju uczniów szkół ponadgimnazjalnych – wyniki badań

63%
Kwiatkowska D., Dąbrowski M.
e-mentor
|
2012
|
issue 3 (45)
4-16
EN
The paper presents the results of the research concerning diverse areas of secondary school students' online activity, their evaluation of their own technological competences, their perception of certain Internet phenomena and net surfers' behavior. The research focused also on the ways of modern technology use in education. The anonymous online survey was participated by 561studentsform all over Poland. The obtained results allowed to characterize the functioning of young people in the online environment and to analyze the differences in this respect among the male and female groups.
9
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Dojrzałość technologiczna uczniów w świetle wyników badań ankietowych

63%
Kwiatkowska D., Dąbrowski M.
e-mentor
|
2012
|
issue 1 (43)
4-13
EN
The article presents the results of the first part of the research conducted among the students of the last classes of primary school. Its aim was to define the patterns of using Information and communications technology. The survey looked also at the manner of perceiving by the respondents their own skills in using ICT, their knowledge about the rules of behaving in the Internet as well as the ways of ICT application in school education and children's expectations towards the role of ICT in teaching and learning. The second part of the research was concentrated on the teenagers' ideas about ICT use in the future.
10
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Kompetencyjny charakter art. 126 Konstytucji RP

63%
Juchniewicz J., Dąbrowski M.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2014
|
issue 4(123)
65-84
EN
Article 126 of the Polish Constitution depicts the position of the President of the Republic. It is claimed that this provision does not provide for any competences of the Head of State. It only shows his or her functions and political role. The President exercises his or her powers by the competences specifi ed in other constitutional provisions and statutes. The authors of the article do not share that view. They contend that, in some circumstances, Article 126 of the Constitution can be a mere basis for President’s competences for which there are no other legal grounds. According to this, the Head of State is entitled to act authoritatively, especially to compel other authorities to do something or to refrain from doing something. The President has the right to take actions based on Article 126 of the Constitution in two situations: (1) when this is legitimated by constitutional tradition; (2) when this is legitimated by political necessity. Some duties and functions of the President have been formed outside the legal system. In a political system some actions of authorities are legitimated by practice, customs, habits, conventions and precedents. The state of political necessity is a situation of a very serious political or structural crisis of the State when there is no possibility to dissolve the problem by ordinary constitutional instruments. Constitutional provisions do not include any regulations which allow to obviate the threat. In such situation, the President as a guardian of sovereignty and security of the State is legitimated by Article 126 of the Constitution to take actions to defuse the crisis.
11
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Circling the square: Governance of the circular economy transition in the Amsterdam Metropolitan Area

63%
Heurkens E., Dąbrowski M.
|
2020
|
vol. 27
|
issue 2
11-31
EN
Circular economy (CE), the new ‘buzzword’ in urban and regional studies and policy debates, is about shifting from a linear production process towards a circular one in which the generation of waste is minimised, materials circulate in ‘closed loops’, and waste is not considered a burden but rather a resource that brings new economic opportunities. However, while there is a consensus on the need to facilitate a transition towards a circular economy, the governing of this endeavour remains extremely challenging because making a circular economy work requires cutting across sectoral, scalar, and administrative boundaries. Drawing on the sustainability transitions literature and the case of the Amsterdam Metropolitan Area, arguably one of the frontrunners on the strive towards a circular built environment and economy, the paper seeks to identify and understand barriers for CE transition at a regional scale. The findings underscore the multi-faceted nature of the challenge and offer lessons for the governance of emerging regional circular spatial-economic policies.
12
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Kongres Rozwoju Edukacji - spotkanie środowiska akademickiego

45%
Dąbrowski M., Mischke J. M., Piotrowska D., Zając M., Zieliński W.
e-mentor
|
2014
|
issue 5 (57)
5-8
EN
The article is a report from that Congress of Development in Education the was held on 12-13 November 2014 at the University of Economics in Katowice. The event is organized by the Foundation for the Promotion and Accreditation of Economic Education in collaboration with the Universities of Economics in Cracow, Katowice, Poznań and Wrocław as well as the Warsaw School of Economics. It was based on the experience gained during the 10 years of the conference "The development of e-learning in higher education of economics" (e-edukacja.net), yet its scope and the forms of active participation have been significantly extended.
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