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PL
Życie polityczne w okresie dwudziestolecia międzywojennego nacechowane było przemocą. Polska prawica (zarówno nacjonalistyczna jak konserwatywna) była jednym z aktorów tej przemocy, lecz początkowo nie odgrywała w niej wiodącej roli. Pomimo pewnej fascynacji faszyzmem polscy prawicowcy w latach 20. nie byli gotowi do systematycznego stosowania przemocy. Punktem zwrotnym był przewrót 1926 r. Nowopowstały Obóz Wielkiej Polski posiada paramilitarną strukturę, a jego młodzieżowe skrzydło szkoliło się do walki. Ta ewolucja w kierunku przemocy politycznej została przerwana delegalizacją OWP w 1933 r.
EN
The political life in the Second Republic was very violent and volatile. The Polish political right (both conservative and nationalist) was one of actors of the violence theatre but initially its role was not principal. Despite certain fascination with fascism, Polish rightists of the 20s were not ready for the systematic use of violence. The turning point was the coup d’etat of the 1926. The newly created Obóz Wielkiej Polski (Greater Poland Camp) had a paramilitary structure and its youth wing were trained into violence. This violent evolution was stopped by banning of the OWP in 1933.
EN
The purpose of this article is to analyze the political thought of the Movement Sword and Plough, and finding sources in the concepts Zadruga – pre-war neo-pagan groups. The Sword and the Plow was not the only Polish nationalist underground organization, however, was one of the few that nationalism separated from Catholicism.
EN
Present terroristic organizations base its activity for more often on Leaderless Resistance. It in this strategy does not exist disposable organizational central and organisational sections are loose connected system with full autonomy, in range of planning and so exexuting. Such structure assures the terroristic web large elasticity and resistance from state blow. In proposal version by Beam, organizational system is based on cellular structure, but there is no central control or management; all individuals and sections operate seperatley between one’s, and never answer to head office or individual leader for instructions or orders. The web as organizational structure is elastic, adapts easily to chances in surrounding. Thanks to it is resistants on blows. The central point bases on distant structure decentralization, in this way, that manifests not only in independent sections but also in their specialisation.
EN
Zadruga was comparatively the best-known Neo-pagan formation which had existed in Poland. However, its history during occupation period is not well-known. The members of ‘Zadruga’ editing, who were close around Stachniuk, were avoiding, at first, a political activity. They were concentrated on formation work gathered in a narrow group. That caused a sort of a riot of workers who came towards an active fight. The fight of young Supporters of the formation who created the 'The Genera- tional Young Movement’ which was united with 'the 'The Sword and Plough Fraction’. In turn, the old zadrużans entered, in 1943, to 'The National Spurt Fraction’ where they installed their ideology in the modified 'neo-zadrużna' form.
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EN
Fascism has never created homogeneous doctrine or ideology. We have to speak about fascisms in plural. Fascisms from the very beginning were distinguished by great diversity. As nationalistic ideologies they should naturally reveal in national variants, which were additionally overlapped by internal diversity - within every nation we can find several competing mutations. As a result, trying to define fascism we would always find ourselves between Scylla of excessive narrowing of idea (in extreme terms - only to the Italian fascism) and Charybdis of excessive extension to everything, that is showing whatsoever similarity with original. In the article „Seeking the essence of fascism” author shows the origins of fas­cism, looking for common elements in fascisims and characterizes the naturę of fascist worldview. Finally author states that we cannot find attributes, characteristic only for fascism. Even the obvious criminality of fascism can be compared with the crimes of totalitarian regimes. Author notes, that about fascism as a unique phenomenon we can speak only in the sense of specific fusion of peculiarities characteristic to other phenomenon.
EN
National Communism is a strange phenomenon as the national mutation of the internationalist Marxist ideology. The first kind of National Communism was revolutionary movements of national minorities, supported by Bolsheviks against Great Russian imperialism. Butnecessities of the State defense supported thebirth of Soviet patriotism. „Socialism in one country” extorted renaissance of Russian nationalism because Russia was the core of USSR. Under Stalin the Soviet patriotism became new form of the old Russian nationalism.
PL
Polska Partia Socjalistyczna miała silne tradycje działalności paramilitarnej, sięgające 1904 r. Socjalistyczne formacje bojowe – Pogotowie Bojowe i Milicja Ludowa – odegrały istotną rolę walkach o niepodległość i granice. W późniejszym okresie partyjna milicja służyła do walki zarówno z prawicą (m.in. w czasie przewrotu majowego 1926 r.) jak i z komunistami. Milicja w Warszawie stopniowo uniezależniała się od partii i angażowała w działania kryminalne. Ostatecznie doprowadziło to do rozłamu w 1928 r. i utworzenia PPS – dawnej Frakcji Rewolucyjnej.
EN
The Polish Socialist Party (PPS) had a long and strong tradition of paramilitary activity since 1904. Socialist armed formations – the Fighting Emergency Squad and the Peoples’ Militia – were very active during the struggle for Independence and – afterwards – frontiers of the Second Republic of Poland 1917–21. In later period militia of the PPS fought both against rightists (especially in Józef Piłsudski’s coup d’état in 1926) and communists. The Warsaw branch of militia gradually became independent from the Party’s leadership and engaged in criminal activity. Finally militiamen split up and created so-called Former Revolutionary Fraction of PPS in 1928.
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