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ISSUES REGARDING THE POPULATION SIZE OF POLES IN THE UKRAINE AND UKRAINIANS IN POLAND (Problematyka liczebnosci ludnosci polskiej na Ukrainie i ukrainskiej w Polsce)

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Eberhardt P.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2009
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vol. 35
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issue 4(134)
5-17
EN
This paper examines the size and distribution of the Polish population in the Ukraine and the Ukrainian population in Poland. The first section discusses the historical setting that led Polish and Ukrainian populations to live together on the wide Polish-Ukrainian borderland. The paper then goes on to look at the scale and direction of migration movements that took place after World War II. As a result of these movements, comprising a total of about 2 million inhabitants, the new border between Poland and The Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic became a clear ethnic demarcation separating Poles from Ukrainians. The size of the Polish population in the Ukraine during the postwar period was examined on the basis of Soviet censuses carried out in 1959, 1970, 1979 and 1989. They showed a gradual reduction in the size of Polish population (in 1959 - 363.3 thousand, 1989 - 219.2 thousand). This decrease was caused by assimilation processes. Soviet census data were questioned. For this reason, the outcome of a Ukrainian census, conducted in new political conditions, was eagerly awaited. This census was conducted in 2001 and revealed only 144.1 thousand Poles, mostly living in Zytomierski and Chmielnicki region. The author gives reasons for the decline in the Polish population. The second part of the article discusses the situation of the Ukrainian population in Poland. Because dispersed, Ukrainians in Poland had difficulties in maintaining their national and religious distinction. Particular attention is paid to the consequences of the 'Vistula Action'. As a result of the action, strong processes of acculturation and assimilation of the Ukrainian community into the Polish environment occurred. The next section presents an outcome of the Polish census conducted in 2002. It revealed that 36.8 thousand Ukrainians live on Polish territory, of whom 5.9 thousand declared Lemko nationality. Most Ukrainians reside in the Warmia and Mazury province. In conclusion, the author compares the living conditions of Poles in the Ukraine and Ukrainians in Poland. He advances the thesis that both minorities will be subject to an intense process of assimilation.
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NATIONALITY PROBLEMS OF TRANSCARPATHIA (Problematyka narodowosciowa Rusi Zakarpackiej)

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Eberhardt P.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
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2011
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issue 39
27-60
EN
The article discusses ethnic diversity and the changes which took place in Transcarpathia in the 20th century. First, the author presents the historical background for a statistical-demographical analysis. He points to the peripheral location of the region and the fact that it often changed its political affiliation. Thus, for a period of almost a thousand years the province was included within the borders of Hungary; between 1919 and 1939 it became part of Czechoslovakia, and after a four-day long period of independence (14-18 March, 1939) it was again incorporated into Hungary between 1939 and 1945. After World War II it was part of a Soviet republic, and since 1991 it has been included in the independent state of Ukraine. Each of these periods brought far-reaching demographic and ethnic consequences. The population of Transcarpathia consisted of Slavic people of Ruthenian origin, mostly Greek Catholics. The inhabitants of the province were subjected to Hungarian, Ukrainian, and Russian influences and believed in different options, such as pro-Ukrainian, pro-Russian, or separatist, i.e. Ruthenian. These issues are discussed in detail in the article and thoroughly interpreted by the author. He also points to the fact that the territory of Transcarpathia was inhabited by numerous ethnic minorities. The Hungarian minority has always been the most important, both in the past and in the present; today it is concentrated in the south of the province. In the past, Jews and Germans also constituted sizeable minorities, while Romanians and Slovaks were always of marginal significance here. The final part of the article presents the scale of the separatist tendencies which may have dangerous political consequences in the future.
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THE NUMBERS AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE UKRAINIAN POPULATION AT THE TURN OF THE 21ST CENTURY (Liczebnosc i rozmieszczenie ludnosci ukrainskiej na przelomie XX i XXI wieku)

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Eberhardt P.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
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2009
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issue 35
49-64
EN
The consecutive parts of the article are devoted to the ethnic transformations of Ukraine and in particular to the changes in the number and distribution of the population of Ukrainian nationality. The initial statistical analysis is based on the results of the Soviet population censuses. Attention is paid to the processes of Rusification and Sovietisation, taking place then. The subsequent part of the analysis concerns the ethnic transformations in the sovereign Ukraine, when the number of inhabitants declaring the Russian nationality dropped by more than three million. In the consecutive part of the article the number of the Ukrainian population, distributed over the territory of the former USSR is determined. In the final part of the paper attention was attracted to the fact that the deep ethnic transformations having occurred in the territory of Ukraine had political reasons. They resulted in the far-reaching changes in the consciousness of the inhabitants. These changes encompassed millions of Ukrainians and Russians, as well as people living within the borderland of the Ukrainian and Russian culture and language.
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POPULATION TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE KLAIPEDA REGION IN THE 20TH CENTURY (Przemiany narodowosciowe w Kraju Klajpedzkim w XX wieku)

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Eberhardt P.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
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2010
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issue 37
89-102
EN
The Klaipeda Region is now an integral part of Lithuania. This was not, however, always the case; the region has a strong German history. (Its historical German name was Memelland, while in Lithuanian it was called Klaipedos Krastas.) Until 1525, the Klaipeda Region belonged to the Teutonic Order, but later changed hands several times. Initially, it belonged to the Duchy of Prussia (until 1701; and until 1657 was dependent as a fief of Poland), was later controlled by the Kingdom of Prussia (until 1871), and then finally became part of the German Empire (until 1919). For Germans, the province was a historical part of Eastern Prussia until 1945. For Lithuanians, the Klaipeda Region, as well as the area located along the north-eastern part of East Prussia on the south bank of the Neman River, was known as Little Lithuania (Lithuania Minor). The Lithuanians considered this territory to be their own ethnic land, which was wrongfully subjected to gradual Germanization. Before World War II this area was inhabited by Protestants who spoke Lithuanian or German. The 1920 census lists the territory's population at 150,700, of which 71,000 declared German to be their first language, while 67,000 declared Lithuanian. The article first discusses the historical and political background of events in the Klaipeda Region in the first half of the 20th century. Next the author analyzes in a dynamic approach the demographic and ethnic structure of the population. His attention is later focused on the period of World War II when the province was incorporated into the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic. In the Soviet period, a major part of the local population was expelled to Germany, while the remaining residents were identified as either Lithuanians or Russians such that the province was no longer dominated by the Protestant and German speaking population. The final part of the article deals with the present demographic and national situation. As a result of the postwar political and economic migrations, a majority of the people in the province now identify themselves as Lithuanian and Catholic. Lithuania, owing to the port of Klaipeda, has now an unrestricted access to sea.
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Konsekwecje geopolityczne depopulacji trzech państw bałtyckich

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Eberhardt P.
Przegląd Geopolityczny
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2017
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vol. 19
49-69
PL
We wstępnej części artykułu przedstawiono i poddano statystycznej i merytorycznej analizie i interpretacji przemiany demograficzno- narodowościowe zachodzące na terytorium trzech państw bałtyckich w ciągu całego XX wieku. Punktem wyjścia była ocena sytuacji politycznej i etnicznej na przełomie XIX i XX wieku. Następnie omówiono ewolucje zmian narodowościowych na tym obszarze w latach międzywojennych, oraz w długim okresie okupacji sowieckiej. Stanowiło to podstawę do zdiagnozowania współczesnych warunków demograficzno – narodowościowych. Kolejna część artykułu poświęcona została problematyce prognostycznej. Ujawniono , że trzy państwa bałtyckie (Estonia, Łotwa i Litwa) są zagrożone nasilającym się regresem demograficznym. Starano się uzasadnić , że dalsze intensywne procesy depopulacyjne będą miały istotne konsekwencje geopolityczne. Mogą bowiem doprowadzić w przyszłości do marginalizacji a nawet do utraty przez te państwa suwerenności i podmiotowości politycznej.
EN
The introductory part of the article presents the demographic and ethnic transformations, taking place during the entire 20th century on the territory of the three Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania). These transformations are then subject to statistical and substantive analysis and interpretation. The starting point for this analysis was constituted by the assessment of the political and ethnic situation at the turn of the 20th century. Next, the evolution of the ethnic changes on the territory considered was reported for the inter-war period and then for the long period of the Soviet occupation. This provided the basis for the diagnosing of the contemporary demographic and ethnic conditions. The subsequent part of the article is devoted to the prognostic analysis. It is shown that the three Baltic states are threatened with the intensifying demographic regression. An attempt was undertaken of demonstrating that continuing intensive depopulation processes shall have essential geopolitical consequences. These processes can, namely, lead in the future to the marginalisation and even to the loss of sovereignty and political independence by the countries in question.
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Koncepcja Rzeszy Słowiańskiej według Karela Kramara

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Eberhardt P.
Przegląd Geopolityczny
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2016
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vol. 18
19-37
PL
Przedstawiono w artykule propozycję geopolityczną opracowaną w 1914 r. przez wybitnego polityka czeskiego Karela Kramářa mającą na celu zjednoczenie wszystkich narodów słowiańskich w jednym wspólnym państwie, tzw. Rzeszy Słowiańskiej. Miało to się odbyć pod egidą imperatora rosyjskiego. Przed skomentowaniem tej koncepcji przedstawiono biografię, działalność polityczną i dokonania twórcze tego wybitnego męża stanu i pierwszego premiera Czechosłowacji. Reprezentował on poglądy panslawistyczne i filorosyjskie. Starano się również zrozumieć i wyjaśnić jego postawę wobec Polski i Polaków.
EN
The paper presents the geopolitical proposal, elaborated by the outstanding Czech politician, Karel Kramář (1860-1937), and made public in 1914. The doctrinal intention of this proposal was the unification of all the Slavonic nations in one common statehood, the so-called “Slavonic Realm”. This would take place under the auspices of the Russian emperor, after he tsarist Russia would have defeated the German Empire and the Austrian-Hungarian Empire in the approaching war. In the introductory part of the article the political biography of the statesman and the advocate of the alliance of the Slavic countries is outlined. Kramář represented the pan-Slavic and the philo-Russian views. He visited many times Russia, where he got acquainted with the intellectual elite, including the personal encounter with Lev Tolstoy (1890). Before the outbreak of the World War I he demanded federalisation of Austria-Hungary, and granting of the civil, as well as national freedoms to the Czechs. During the period of war he was condemned to death for his patriotic activity, but after a year in prison he was acquitted. After Czechoslovakia gained sovereignty, to which he also contributed in a certain degree, he took the position of the Prime Minister. Then, he participated in the Paris Conference, in Versailles, as the leader of the Czech delegation. He was the author of numerous books and articles, in which he would touch upon the historical, political, geopolitical, social and legal issues. In the further course of the paper the design for the creation of the Slavonic Realm, mentioned before, and the principles of its functioning, are presented. This would consist in the incorporation into the Russian Empire of five autonomous provinces, namely: Poland, Czechia, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro. Each of the five countries would enjoy the autonomy in the domain of national language and culture. Each of these provinces would be headed by the viceroy, nominated by the Emperor of Russia. The geographical boundaries of these five provinces were delineated, and the design for the constitution was presented and commented upon, developed by Kramář, meant to become the foundation for the future basic law for the territory of the Slavonic community and its constituent parts. The subsequent portion of the article is devoted to the position of Kramář’s regarding Poles and to his attempts, aiming at normalising the Polish-Russian relations. The Czech politician was aware of the fact that without the participation of Poles the entire geopolitical design may end up as failure. Despite numerous efforts, the attempts of Kramář’s were not bringing the expected results in this domain. This was, additionally, due to the fact that the political events, associated with the defeat of tsarist Russia in World War I, made the federalist design obsolete. In the concluding section the author evaluates the concept, forwarded by Kramář, from the point of view of its pragmatism and the capacity of implementation. It is also noted that the communist block, which took shape after World War II, even though pronouncing different principles and ideological doctrine, reminded in territorial terms the area delineated by Kramář and communicated by him in May 1914 to the Russian authorities.
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Wizja przyszłej Europy według mapy rosyjskiej z 1914 roku

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Eberhardt P.
Przegląd Geopolityczny
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2013
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vol. 6
9-15
EN
Author analyses Russian map created in 1914 which presented the expected post-war borders in Europe. Its title was “Map of the Future Europe” and it outlined continent’s political frontiers that should be expected after defeating German Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire by the Triple Entente (including Russia). The map is undoubtedly an exceptional work in terms of content and form, and its ideological message for many of the political events that took place in the twentieth century. Due to its originality is a historical document of considerable value, which should be the subject of further research by experts in the geo-political concepts and doctrines.
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Uwarunkowania polityczne formowania się wschodniej granicy II Rzeczypospolitej

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Eberhardt P.
Przegląd Geopolityczny
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2018
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vol. 26
9-31
PL
W artykule przedstawiono uwarunkowania polityczno-militarne i ich wpływ na uformowanie się po I wojnie światowej wschodniej granicy odrodzonej Polski. Była ta granica uzależniona od końcowego rezultatu wojny polsko-bolszewickiej, która trwała z różnym nasileniem w latach 1918-1920. W pierwszej fazie tego konfliktu zbrojnego przewaga była po stronie polskiej. Projektowano wówczas, że przyszła granica będzie przebiegała stosunkowo daleko na wschodzie. Miała mieć ona tradycyjnie układ południkowy i rozciągać się w przybliżeniu między rzeką Berezyną na północy i Dniestrem na południu. W sytuacji zbliżania się Armii Czerwonej do Wisły w sierpniu 1920 istniało prawdopodobieństwo likwidacji państwa polskiego. Dopiero pokonanie Armii Czerwonej w Bitwie Warszawskiej umożliwiło rozpoczęcie rokowań na tematy graniczne. W końcowej części artykułu zreferowano przebieg i wyniki Konferencji Pokojowej w Rydze. Ustalono na niej granicę między Polską a bolszewicką Rosją. Trwała ona od 12 października 1920 do 17 września 1939 roku, kiedy to została unicestwiona w rezultacie agresji sowieckiej na Polskę.
EN
The article presents the political and military conditions and their impact on the formation of the eastern border of the reborn Poland after World War I. This border was dependent on the final result of the Polish-Bolshevik war, which lasted with varying intensity in the years 1918 - 1920. In the first phase of this armed conflict, the advantage was on the Polish side. It was then planned that the future border would run relatively far to the east. It was supposed to have a longitudinal layout and spread approximately between the Berezina River in the north and the Dniester River in the south. In the situation of approaching the Red Army to the Vistula in August 1920, there was a likelihood of liquidation of the Polish state. It was only the defeat of the Red Army in the Battle of Warsaw that enabled the commencement of equivalent negotiations on border issues. In the final part of the article, the course and results of the Peace Conference in Riga were reported. A border was established between Poland and Bolshevik Russia. It lasted from October 12, 1920 to September 17, 1939, when it was annihilated as a result of Soviet aggression against Poland.
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Procesy megalopolizacyjne i ich konsekwencje demograficzno-społeczne oraz geopolityczne

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Eberhardt P.
Przegląd Geopolityczny
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2019
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vol. 28
49-63
PL
Za jedną z najbardziej charakterystycznych cech współczesnej urbanizacji uważa się tzw. procesy megalopolizacji. Polegają one na formowaniu się wielkich aglomeracji i metropolii liczących po kilkanaście milionów mieszkańców. Te wielkie koncentracje osadnicze przyjęły nazwę „megalopolis”. Nie tylko są one wielkimi skupiskami ludności, lecz również pełnią różnorodne funkcje ekonomiczne i polityczne. Pierwsze z nich powstały w Europie i w Ameryce Północnej. Obecnie najwięcej ich jest na wschodzie i południu Azji. Najważniejsze z nich nazywane są w literaturze miastami światowymi lub miastami globalnymi. Znaczenie ich jest coraz większe i ich rozwój przynosi wiele pozytywnych i negatywnych implikacji społecznych i gospodarczych. Z tego też powodu stały się obiektem analiz i ocen naukowych, także w zakresie geopolityki.
EN
The article is devoted to statistical analysis and assessment of urbanization processes. It is stressed that transformations of this kind are fairly complex and to result only from the changes of relations between urban and rural population. They consist in complex economical – social phenomena that are reflected, among others, in formation of large urban complexes whose internal structure is ever more complicated. Their characteristic feature is spatial expansion. In the place where formerly only towns were, the new, territorially extensive agglomerations and metropolises come into being. Because of a strong demographic dynamics resulting from the intensive development and technological progress, great urban complexes numbering over 10 milllion inhabitans have appeared. Attention has been paid to the fact that they develop most quickly in poor Third World countries. In the next part of the article the most modern and complex forms of nowadays urbanization have been discussed. In the areas with a lot of agglomerations new forms of big-city settlements are formed that are called „megalopolis”. They number several dozen million inhabitans each and their significance in the world is ever greater. A considerable part of the article is concerned with the so-called world or global cities. Studies were conducted by a team of experts affiliated to the University of Loughborough that has assumed the name „Globalization World Cities Study. On the basis of strictly defined criteria the team has distinguished 55 global cities. In the next part of the text the inner structure of the mentioned greatest global cities is characterized. In the last part of the article it is indicated that the processes of megaurbanization have a tendency to spread into new areas.
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Rosyjski panslawizm jako idea geopolityczna

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Eberhardt P.
Przegląd Geopolityczny
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2010
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vol. 2
43-64
PL
Artykuł poświecony jest rosyjskiemu panslawizmowi. Ta idea filozoficznopolityczna miała również swoje oblicze geopolityczne. Powstała w rezultacie ewolucji poglądów formułowanych przez rosyjskich słowianofilów. Podstawowym jej celem było utworzenie pod zwierzchnictwem Rosji wielkiego Imperium Słowiańskiego. Koncepcja ta była popierana przez władze carskie, Cerkiew prawosławną oraz ówczesną elitę rosyjską. Wiele miejsca w artykule zajęło omówienie konfliktowych stosunków polsko-rosyjskich.
EN
It the article was presented a genesis, and then the development of Russian Pan-Slavism. This ideology had own geopolitical repercussions. Its basic aim was the creation federation of Slavic nations under Russian supremacy. Causes of its rising had political character and resulted from loss by Russia Crimean War, Polish Insurrection from 1863. and first of all the Turkish-Russian War (1875/1878). The need of coming with help oppressed by south Slavs' Turks stood an popular idea, which approached to it the Czarist Power, Orthodox church and then the political elites of Russia. The banner of Slavs' liberation became comfortable reason of construction an idea to necessity building a Grat Imperium and territorial throphies. Beyond of capture Balkans, the basic goal was conquesting Constantinople and contaimenting the Bosphorus and Dardanelless. The idea of Pan -Slavism shaped in result of evolution opinions delivered by the Russian Slavophiles. It was then Russian intellectuals who referenced to the Old Russian traditions and had hostile to cultural influences of West- European area. It was presented activity and outlook the main Russian Slavophiles: Iwan Kieriejewski, Alieksiej Chomiakow, Iwan Aksakow and Jurij Samarin and where was describted their philosophical and political opinions. In the article was presented their relation to the Poland matter of independence. They had negative opinions because, according to their, Poland was a state belong to Latin civilization, which will not subordinate despotic Russia. Slavophilism changed, in result of nationalist growth and xenophobic tendencies. Organizing II Slavic Downhill Congress in Moscow was inspiring this transformation event (1867), in which took apart all Slavic nations, except the Poles. The Pan-Slavistic ideas were universally accepted in Russian society. In the final effect, approved as the political and geopolical doctrine. In the example of achievements creatores, Pan-Slavism was a reported idea principles and geopolitical intentions, this conception. In presenting work M. Danilewski, was reported, praparation by him, territorial abattis future Slavic Federation. The Russian loss in the I World War and the Bolshevik revolt made up the end of Pan-Slavistic tenet. In later time linking to idea of Slavs unification had the episodic character and had not the large political meaning. It afterworld of article was including the opinion about Pan-Slavism from geopolitical side. Turn the attention, that this doctrine was the imperial conception and it aim, was not be include with creation of free Slavic states conception, but the Russian centralized empire. This idea was the one of great utopias, which came into being in XIX and under the end of XX this conception lost own timeliness.
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Mapa polityczna przyszłej Europy Środkowej według Władimira Żyrinowskiego

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Eberhardt P.
Przegląd Geopolityczny
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2015
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vol. 11
9-19
PL
Artykuł poświęcony jest analizie mapy Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej autorstwa Władimira Żyrinowskiego, która ukazała się drukiem 29 stycznia 1994 r. na łamach paryskiego pisma „Le Monde”. Obejmuje ona część kontynentu europejskiego. Na południu obejmuje Włochy i Grecje, na północy skrawki półwyspu skandynawskiego. Natomiast na wschodzie mapa zawiera dużą część Ukrainy i Białoruś, zaś na zachodzie zasadniczą część Niemiec. Można przyjąć, że obiektem analizy jest terytorium położone miedzy Bałtykiem, Morzem Czarnym i Adriatykiem. Na mapie tej zakreślono zgeneralizowanymi liniami przyszłe granice polityczne państw. Tego rodzaju rozbiorowe rozgraniczenie przechodzi przez centralną Polskę miedzy Zatoką Gdańską a Karpatami. Cała zachodnia część Polski t.zn. Pomorze, Wielkopolska i Śląsk zostają przyłączone do Niemiec. Do przyszłej Rzeszy Niemieckiej Żyrinowski włącza Austrie, Republikę Czeską i Słowenię. Pomimo jej kuriozalnego charakteru odzwierciedla ona sposób myślenia i poglądy licznej rzeszy geopolityków rosyjskich. Należy wspomnieć, że była również niezmiernie krytycznie oceniona przez bardziej światłych geografów i demografów rosyjskich. Pokazała jednak równocześnie, że w Rosji istnieje pokaźna i wpływowa grupa działaczy politycznych, którzy nie pogodzili się z upadkiem imperium sowieckiego i tworzą stale różnorodne scenariusze przyszłych zmian terytorialnych w Europie i odzyskania utraconych krajów i prowincji. Zdając sobie sprawę ze swych ograniczonych możliwości, ciągle liczą na wykorzystanie rewizjonizmu i rewanżyzmu niemieckiego.
EN
Article analysis a map of Central and Eastern Europe by Vladimir Zhirinovsky, which was published on January 29, 1994 in “Le Monde”. It covers part of the European continent. In the south, covers Italy and as Greece, north of theScandinavian peninsula scraps. In contrast, in the East map contains a large part of Ukraine and Belarus, while in the West the essential part of Germany. It can be assumed that the object of analysis is the territory situated between the Baltic, the Black Sea and the Adriatic. On this map are defined lines of future political boundaries of states. This type of partitioning demarcation passes through central Poland between the Gulf of Gdansk and the Carpathians. The whole western part of the Poland, essentially Pomerania, Greater Poland and Silesia are connected to Germany. To the “future German Reich” Zhirinovsky adds Austria, the Czech Republic and Slovenia. Despite its bizarre nature, it reflects the way of thinking and ideas to a wide range of Russian geopoliticians. It should be mentioned that it was also extremely critically assessed by a more enlightened geographers and demographers Russian. But at the same time showed that in Russia there is a substantial and influential group of political activists, who have not come to terms with the collapse of the Soviet empire and create a permanently different scenarios for the future of territorial changes in Europe and to recover the lost country and province. Aware of his limited opportunities, are still counting on the use of German revisionism.
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Powojenna zachodnia granica Polski wg Biura Prac Politycznych z października 1940 roku

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Eberhardt P.
Przegląd Geopolityczny
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2018
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vol. 24
45-56
PL
Biuro Prac Politycznych, instytucja powołana przez władze emigracyjnego Rządu Polskiego przebywającego w Londynie przygotowało w październiku 1940 roku opracowanie, w którym przedstawiono roszczenia terytorialne Polski wobec Niemiec i przebieg nowej, przewidywanej powojennej granicy polsko-niemieckiej. To mało znane opracowanie zostało w artykule przypomniane i poddane dokładnej analizie i ocenie geopolitycznej i geostrategicznej
EN
The Political Works Office, an institution established by the Polish Government-in-exile in London, prepared in October 1940 a study in which Poland's territorial claims on Germany and the course of the new post-war Polish-German border were overworked. This little-known study was reminded in the art
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Koncepcja granic powojennej Polski według Hipolta Gliwica

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Eberhardt P.
Przegląd Geopolityczny
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2012
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vol. 5
99-104
EN
Hipolit Gliwic was a famous political activist of the Second Republic of Poland. At the same time was active in Polish and world freemasonry, where he had a 33rd degree. He was secretary of the National Grand Lodge and a member of the Lodge “Copernicus”. Gliwic was born 24 May 1878 in Warsaw. He studied in Odessa and Sankt Petersburg. After graduation, he worked on the political level in the Polish Socialist Party and held responsible positions in industry associations. He was also a director of the syndicate of Russian metallurgy. After obtaining independence by Poland, Gliwic worked in the Polish diplomatic missions in Washington and Paris. After returning home, prepared and executed the Polish economic development project. He held the highest positions in the state. At the same time he was president of numerous industrial joint-stock companies, mining and banking. He represented Poland at a meeting of the League of Nations and the international economic conferences. He had the prestige and recognition of the most outstanding representatives of the world of politics and finance. During the occupation, worked closely with the command of the Home Army, which instructed him to prepare documentation on post-war reconstruction and development of the Polish economy, including the program of industrialization and urbanization of the country. Arrested by the Gestapo on April 8, 1943, he committed suicide in prison in Pawiak. Hipolit Gliwic expected compensation and the great shift of Polish west border on the Oder and Neisse. He assumed that all of East Prussia will become an integral part of Polish. In his vision Polish state territory would be slightly reduced (from 388 thousand km sq to 360 thousand km sq), but Poland gets richer areas, better managed, and the Polish territory is closed with broad access to the sea. In a Gliwic’s concept within the country there would be, apart from Gdynia, three major sea ports: Gdańsk, Szczecin, Königsberg.
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POLISH TERRITORIAL SHAPE ACCORDING TO THE RUSSIAN MAP (1914) AND SOVIET MAP (1944) (Ksztalt terytorialny Polski wedlug mapy rosyjskiej (1914) i sowieckiej (1944))

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Eberhardt P.
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
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2009
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vol. 44
249-264
EN
no abstract submitted
15

POLAND IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION-S POLICY IN YELTSIN AND PUTIN TIME (Polska w polityce Federacji Rosyjskiej w epoce Jelcyna i Putina)

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Eberhardt P.
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
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2010
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vol. 45
221-237
EN
no abstract submitted by the journal
16

CHANGES IN POPULATION IN THE TRANSYLVANIA AREA (Przemiany ludnosciowe na obszarze Transsylwanii)

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Eberhardt P.
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
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2008
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vol. 43
221-243
17
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Koncepcje geopolityczne Iwana Dusińskiego

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Eberhardt P., Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego Zagospodarowania PAN
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej
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2012
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vol. 1
EN
The paper presents the achievements of one of the pioneers of the Russian geopolitics, Ivan Dusinski. He was the author of the book, published in 1910 in Odessa, entitled Fundamental problems of the foreign politics of Russia in connection with the program of its military and maritime policies. This book was brought back to the public memory and published again in Moscow in 2003 under a mode adequate title of Geopolitics of Russia. The paper tries to demonstrate that this book, in view of the novelty of ideas and interesting interpretations is indeed worth considering and deserves a critical assessment. The contemporary Russian analysts consider Dusinski, side by side with Ratzel, Kjellén, Mackinder or Haushofer, among the great founders of the modern geopolitics. The paper presents the biography of Ivan Dusinski, as well as his political and philosophical views. He was a representative of the extreme nationalist and imperialist views. He aimed at the establishment of a great Russian empire through military conquests and territorial annexations. In order to render the ideological views of Dusinski and his territorial program only two most essential substantive questions were subject to analysis. The first of these is associated with the concept of Dusinski, stipulating the necessity of establishment of the great Slavonic community. The next one concerns the proposal and the program of annexations with respect to the Russia’s neighbours. The territorial reach of this program, along with its geographical and political consequences, are shown. Further, the opinion of Dusinski, concerning the future of Poland and Poles, has also been outlined. It is also indicated in the final remarks that the foundations of the modern Russian geopolitics have been established in the same period with the bases of the geopolitics in the world
PL
W treści artykułu przedstawiono dokonania twórcze rosyjskiego myśliciela Iwana Dusińskiego. Był on autorem interesującej książki opublikowanej w 1910 r. w Odessie, poświęconej problematyce geopolitycznej Cesarstwa Rosyjskiego. To prekursorskie dzieło naukowe zostało zaprezentowane i poddane interpretacji. Zwrócono uwagę na jego propozycję związaną z utworzeniem imperium słowiańskiego pod patronatem i zwierzchnictwem Rosji. Wymagało to opracowania zaprogramowanej i celowej polityki aneksyjnej, określono jej zakres terytorialny i konsekwencje geograficzne i polityczne. W zakończeniu zawarto stanowisko autora dotyczące przyszłości Polski.
18
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Koncepcje granic państwa polskiego u progu odzyskania niepodległości

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Eberhardt P., Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego Zagospodarowania PAN W.
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej
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2015
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vol. 4
PL
W artykule przedstawiono koncepcje i wizje badaczy polskich działających w XIX i na początku XX w. Dotyczyły one rozległości terytorialnej odrodzonego w przyszłości państwa polskiego. Nawiązywały początkowo do granic historycznej Rzeczypospolitej. W późniejszym czasie uwzględniały również kryteria etniczne i strategiczne. Zaprezentowano na kolejnych mapach koncepcje Oskara Żebrowskiego, Stanisława Tomaszewskiego, Aleksandra Janowskiego, Czesława Jankowskiego, Włodzimierza Wakara, Wiktora Skargi-Dobrowolskiego, Józefa Jaskólskiego. Ostatnie dwa omówione programy terytorialne miały już charakter oficjalnych dokumentów. Pierwszy z nich był opracowany w Lozannie przez Komitet Narodowy Polski, ostatni zaś osobiście był przygotowany przez Romana Dmowskiego, ale reprezentował oficjalne stanowisko Rządu Polskiego.
EN
After the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was liquidated and disappeared from the map of Europe at the end of the 18th century, and was partitioned by Russia, Prussia, and Austria, Polish activists of the independence movements never consented to the fact and continued to work for the revival of the Polish state. One of the issues pondered about was that of the future boundaries of this state. Initially, the issue was not complicated at all, since it was commonly held that the sole just solution would be the return to the historical boundaries of 1772. In the later period, the awareness arose that this option cannot be realised. This was not only the consequence of the stable and disadvantageous for Poland geopolitical situation in Europe, but also of the ethnic diversification of the territory of the former Commonwealth. That is why various concepts started to appear, concerning the future boundaries of Poland, considering the historical, geopolitical, strategic, and ethnic conditioning. These concepts were primarily the visions of individual scholars or activists, but often they did represent definite ideological and political orientations. The article presents and comments upon some of these designs. Those more original in substantive terms, and containing an interesting cartographic illustration, were selected for presentation. Thusthe article treats the concepts authored by: Oskar Żebrowski, Stanisław Tomaszewski, Aleksander Janowski, Czesław Jankowski, Włodzimierz Wakar, Wiktor Skarga-Dobrowolski, and Józef Jaskólski. These concepts, postulating the shape of boundaries of Poland, differed significantly as to the general territorial reach of the country and the shapes of its boundaries. Some of them were of clear maximalist character, while other ones were more moderate, and so had higher chances of implementation. The two last proposals for the boundaries of Poland, presented in the article, were already the official documents. The first of those two represented the position of the Polish National Committee, which was active in Lausanne in the years 1917–1918. The last concept of the boundary of Poland, shown in the article, was the official stance of the authorities of the newly re-established Polish state, which was presented at the Peace Conference in Paris in 1919. This concept was developed by Roman Dmowski, who headed Polish delegation at this conference. At the end of the article this most important design, prepared for the Versailles conference, is compared to the actual course of boundaries of the Polish state as it re-emerged after the First World War.
19
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Roman Umiastowski - zapomniany polski geograf

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Eberhardt P., Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego Zagospodarowania PAN
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Geographica Socio-Oeconomica
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2014
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issue 17
PL
W artykule przedstawiono drogę życiową i dokonania twórcze polskiego geografa Romana Umiastowskiego (1893–1982). Był on w okresie międzywojennym oficerem sztabowym wojska polskiego w stopniu pułkownika. Równocześnie był z zamiłowania geografem i autorem wielu książek i artykułów naukowych. W części wprowadzającej omówiono jego szlak bojowy na frontach I wojny światowej i walk o niepodległość Polski (1918–1920). Następnie zaprezentowano jego osiągnięcia, jako uczonego, publicystę i wykładowcę w wyższych szkołach wojskowych. Na początku lat 20. ubiegłego wieku napisał m.in. dwie książki – Terytorium Polski pod względem wojskowym oraz Geografia wojenna Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej i ziem ościennych. Były to, nie tylko w polskiej literaturze geograficznej, ale i w światowej, pozycje nowatorskie poświęcone geografii militarnej. Zostały omówione w nich założenia metodyczne oraz walory merytoryczne. Zaznaczono ponadto, że Umiastowski był także autorem opracowań z zakresu geografii politycznej, m.in. rozpatrywał stosunki polsko-rosyjskie i polsko- -niemieckie. Po agresji niemieckiej, a później sowieckiej na Polskę we wrześniu 1939 roku znalazł się we Francji, a później dotarł do Wielkiej Brytanii, gdzie nadal prowadził aktywną działalność publicystyczną. Po wojnie, aż do śmierci pozostał na emigracji, gdzie zajmował się działalnością kolekcjonerską zbierając stare mapy i ryciny, głównie dotyczące historii Polski w XVII i XVIII wieku.
EN
The paper presents the life and the creative deeds of the Polish geographer, Roman Umiastowski (1893–1982). During the inter-war period Umiastowski was a staff officer of the Polish army in the grade of a colonel. At the same time, he indulged very much in geography and authored numerous books and scientific articles. In the introductory part of the article the military deeds of Umiastoswki’s during the World War I and the struggle for the sovereignty of Poland (1918–1920) are outlined. Then, his achievements are presented as a scholar, a journalist and a lecturer of the higher military schools. Umiastowski wrote, in particular, at the beginning of the 1920s, two books. The first of those was entitled The territory of Poland in military terms, and the second – The military geography of the Polish Commonwealth and of the neighbouring countries. These books were definitely novel, not only in Polish literature, but also in the world literature, as devoted to the military geography. The two books are commented upon in the paper, along with their methodological prerequisites and the substantive qualities. The paper notes, as well, that Umiastowski authored also the reports concerning the political geography. Thus, in particular, he considered the Polish-Russian and the Polish-German relations. After the German and then the Soviet aggressions against Poland in September 1939, Umiastowski landed in France, to thereafter reach the United Kingdom, where he still conducted the journalist activity. After the WWII, until his death, he remained emigrant, while collecting old maps and engravings, mainly those concerning the history of Poland in the 17th and 18th centuries.
20
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Yves Lacoste jako geograf i geopolityk

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Eberhardt P., Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego Zagospodarowania PAN
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej
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2014
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vol. 3
EN
The article presents the worldview concept and the work of the outstanding French scholar Yves Lacoste. He is a senior among the French geographers and geopoliticians, professor emeritus of the University Paris VIII. At the beginning of the paper the development of the classical French geography is presented, its methodological foundations laid by Vidal de la Blache and his successors. It was characteristic of this stream of thought in geography that it emphasised the regional perspective and the use of results of historical studies. These traditions had an important influence on the intellectual attitude and the scholarly activity of Lacoste’s, who referred very strictly to the mainstream of French regional school. Then, the paper gives an account of the political views and the life of Lacoste, as well as of his publications, associated with the issues related to geopolitics and geostrategy. This required providing a perspective on the Lacoste’s approach to geopolitics as a new, controversial scientific discipline. The definition of this discipline and of its subject scope, used by Lacoste, is provided. The attention is paid to the significant arbitrariness in application of terminology, which brought important negative consequences as to the ways of analysing political, demo-graphic, military and social phenomena and processes, taking place in the concrete geo-graphical reality. The subsequent part of the article concerns the substantive assessment of the selected works of Lacoste’s. His book, entitled Geopolitics of the Mediterranean, which was also translated to Polish, stirred up quite an interest. The content of this book is outlined and the cognitive, as well as didactic qualities of this book are assessed. Given the place of birth of Lacoste (Fez in Morocco) and his life experience, no wonder he has been fascinated all the time by the consequences of colonialism, by the Muslim world, and by the issues related to the Arab countries. For this reason his opinions on the respective questions, still producing significant consequences for the former colonies and the former colonial empires, have been widely accepted. Nowadays, along with territory, demographic and economic potential, as well as military power, water resources have become an important, even though yet underestimated, geopolitical factor. This became the motivation for Lacoste to write a book, which was also translated into Polish. The analysis, presented in this book has quite a practical meaning, since water has been becoming a true strategic resource. Side by side with numerous books, Lacoste authored also and edited two atlases. One of them is a typical geographic atlas, showing on many maps France and the entire globe, according to continents and countries. The scientific value and the cartographic qualities of this atlas are assessed in the article. In a similar manner, another atlas – the Geopolitical Atlas – is also assessed. Particular attention is paid to the methodological aspects of this atlas and to the highly interesting graphic layout. This atlas contains a set of valuable maps and cartograms, showing the origins, the course and the consequences of the military conflicts, which took place in the 20th century in various regions of the world. Lacoste was the founder and the long time editor of the journal „Hérodote” which published the papers, written by the French geopoliticians and geographers. The journal gained a high esteem both in France and abroad. The scientific value and the significance in terms of promotion of the discipline are subject to assessment in the article. The article closes with the summary on the creative work of the French scholar, with special emphasis on his role in shaping the French school of geopolitics, encompassing his collaborators and followers.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono światopogląd ideowy i dokonania twórcze wybitnego fran-cuskiego uczonego Yves’a Lacoste’a. Jest on nestorem francuskich geografów i geopoli-tyków oraz emerytowanym profesorem Uniwersytetu Université Paris VIII. Zaprezento-wano założenia teoretyczno-metodologiczne oraz walory merytoryczno-interpretacyjne jego głównych dzieł naukowych. Dzięki inicjatywie i dużemu autorytetowi w środo-wisku intelektualistów francuskich utworzył znaną szkołę geopolityczną oraz patronował wychodzącemu od kilku dziesięcioleci pismu naukowemu pt. „Hérodote”, w którym są zamieszczane regularnie opracowania z zakresu geografii politycznej, geopolityki i geo-strategii.
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