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Proto-Indo-European Ergativity… Still to be Discussed

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Bavant M.
Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics
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2008
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vol. 44
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issue 4
433-447
EN
Since Uhlenbeck's seminal article ("Agens und Patiens im Kasussystem der indogermanischen Sprachen", 1901) many scholars have accepted the hypothesis of an ergative case in Proto-Indo-European (PIE) given the light it could shed on obscure facts discovered by the comparatist school inside the IE family. The Soviet linguistic school has been particularly active on ergativity in relation with their interests for living languages of the Caucasus and for ancient languages of the Middle East. More recent works on ergativity have shifted the focus to Australian languages. When the theory of language universals took ergativity into consideration, scholars began to seek an explanation of the so-called "split ergativity" in relation with Silverstein's animacy hierarchy. A sequel of this was that the kind of split ergativity demonstrated by PIE seemed contrary to the accepted universals and, consequently, discarded. This paper challenges the way language universals have been used to refute the PIE ergativity hypothesis. Indeed, the influence of the animacy hierarchy is known to be effective in many languages, but more as a tendency than as an absolute universal. Also, PIE is not a fully-fledged language, but rather a field of experimentation. I also present the viewpoint that PIE could have had no split at all, but solely a semantic impossibility to use inanimate noun phrases in an agent role, which seemed backed up by similar "embarrassments" in modern languages and by the so-called "Hittite ergative".
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Basque Resultatives and Related Issues

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Bavant M.
Lingua Posnaniensis
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2012
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vol. 54
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issue 2
7-22
EN
Marc Bavant. Basque Resultatives and Related Issues. Lingua Posnaniensis, vol. LIV (2)/2012. The Poznań Society for the Advancement of the Arts and Sciences. PL ISSN 0079-4740, ISBN 978-83-7654-252-2, pp. 7-22. Basque has an impressive number of resultative constructions for transitive verbs, not to mention dialectal variants. The purpose of this paper is to classify them according to Nedjalkov’s typology and compare Basque resultatives with similar periphrastic constructions in Classical Armenian. On the way, we meet the questions of Basque diatheses, of voice ambiguity of past participles, and of the affinity between possession and resultativity. The paper is based on material available in the literature and discussions with a native speaker or a specialist of the field. It appears that only “mediopassive”, a detransitivizing transformation, can be considered a diathesis, whereas the so-called “passive” and “antipassive” are respectively an objective and a subjective resultative. Also LAFITTE’S so-called “parfait” (1979) is a resultative, possessive in form and rather subjective in meaning. Classical Armenian displays a strikingly similar series of resultatives and the same kind of voice ambiguity for its past participle. It is hypothesized that the voice ambiguity may be related to the existence of a possessive resultative construction.
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