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EN
This study portrays the beginnings of what has been termed industrial immigration from Czechoslovakia to Soviet Russia in the interwar period. On the basis of materials mainly drawn from Russian archives, it tracks a group of 14 miners and mining engineers primarily from the Kladno mining district, but also from the North Bohemian mining district, and eight members of their families. They departed for the Soviet Donbass region in June 1921 with a vision of earning good income for a period of one year and of the possibility of permanently settling there, but after only a few months some already began returning to their homeland disillusioned and lacking funds. By tracking the fates of individual members of this expedition we elucidate the causes for the failure of this particular program as well as other unsuccessful attempts at employing foreign experts in Soviet industry at the beginning of the 1920s.
Central European Papers
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2018
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vol. 6
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issue 1
59-86
EN
The contribution summarizes the first findings of the research into labour strike movement in Czechoslovakia between 1945 and 1948 which has been undertaken as part of the Czech Grant Agency project “Industrial Workers in the Czech Lands between 1938 and 1948”. During the research in the All-Union Archive of the Czech-Moravian Confederation of Trade Unions in Prague, the Archive of Security Services and in other archives, data on 262 strikes were gathered – nearly twice the number of hitherto known strikes in the years 1946–1948 in Czechoslovakia. Based on the analysis of strikes in Czech industry, six stages of the labour strike movement may be found within the observed period. First of them, lasting from May 1945 to June 1946, only brought a minimum number of mostly political strikes which represented the prototypes of various forms of political coercion used by the “left-wing cartel” of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and of the Revolutionary Trade Union Movement. After a short break in the summer of 1946, the intensity of political strikes from October 1946 to March 1947 increased again in the context of the so-called battle over seized property and culminated in the well-known Varnsdorf strike. Yet, nearly three-fifths of conflicts at this stage consisted of strikes for social or wage demands which were in many cases comparable by their scope with the political strikes or strikes for a variety of personal or organizational changes. After a further decline in the intensity of strikes in the spring of 1947, then, the period from the beginning of the summer of 1947 to January 1948 was dominated by a wave of spontaneous protest strikes against the introduction of new performance standards and piecework pay. The post-February defensive worker strikes against the lowering of wages and poor supply stopped for a transitional period. However, in the summer of 1948, they broke out in dozens of factories again. The majority of them only lasted for a few hours, with the exception of the three-day strike in Silesian cotton plants in Frýdek which reached beyond the boundary of a single plant and threatened with calling solidarity strikes in heavy industry in the Ostrava region. The State Security (StB) did not yet intervene during their liquidation, but they continuously monitored them and, as soon as the threat of a strike had passed, they did not hesitate to take hard measures against the leading figures.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2018
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vol. 50
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issue 2
149 – 171
EN
The country life was the most important empirical topic shared by Central European sociologies in the beginnings of sociology in Central Europe (in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary). The comparison based on the content analysis of contemporary sociological journals, the knowledge of relevant books and research in the field of rural sociology and the knowledge of work of the key sociologists identified three specific approaches to the topic. The first is characterized by Polish culturalism, the second by Czech “nationalization” of the topic, and the third by Hungarian and Slovak sociographism. The so-called agrarian question was one of the key political and social problems of the first third of the 20th century and that is why the topic is suitable for the study of politicization of sociology. While the Polish approach is of apolitical nature, the Czech concept is characterized by political connotations related to national questions. In Slovakia the gradual depolitization of the topic in the context of sociographical approach is apparent, while left-wing social political ambitions are typical of the Hungarian sociographic tradition. These approaches represent certain distinctive ideal types and there exist also significant counterexamples.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2019
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vol. 51
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issue 2
152 – 178
EN
The Habsburg dilemma is the tension between two opposing world and political views (individualistic universalism and culturalistic organicism) which characterized, according to E. Gellner, the cultural and political life in the late period of the Austrian monarchy and was also mirrored in the field of intellectual production. The study applies this Gellner's thesis to the sociological reflection of national issues in the work of significant Central European sociologists of the first half of the 20th century. Gellner's concept allows us to explain the varying degree of interest in national issues among individual sociologists, as well as the nature of conceptual approach to nation-related issues by individual theoreticians, where we find distinct social bearers of both the worldviews (Hungary, Austria). In the countries without a pronounced split of the intellectual stratum (Czechoslovakia, Poland), the Habsburg dilemma can be recognized primarily as a conceptual tension within one theory, but it does not consistently explain the differences in the theoretical grasp of the topic or the degree of politicization of the issue.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2022
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vol. 54
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issue 5
412 – 436
EN
The study explores the question whether and under what conditions the fundamental concepts of Max Weber's interpretive sociology - in particular "meaning" (Sinn) and "understanding" (Verstehen) - can be applied to animal behaviour, and whether and under what conditions Weber's concepts can be used to study the relationship of humans to animals as a relationship of social actors to other social actors. With regard to the possibility of building an interpretive sociology of animals in Max Weber’s spirit, his shift in the analytical concept of "meaning" is very important, namely the shift from the meaning which is fully conscious to the half-consciousness or unconsciousness of the meaning which is felt by the actor. Since the understanding of the animal and the human action is achieved in principle by the same means – through qualitative evidence and its verification by the rate of practical success - the rejection of the meaningfulness of animal action could also be applied to human actors. Apparently, denying the human actors an understanding explanation of their actions through the interpretation of subjective meaning would not only "destroy" the legitimacy of the interpretive sociology, but it would also "rule out" the possibility of understanding human communicative acts as such. Therefore, it is reasonably of greater benefit to include animals among (potential) social actors and rather focus on their sociologically relevant differences from other - primarily human - social actors.
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