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1
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Administracja i życie codzienne w dobrach Radziwiłłów XVI–XVIII wieku, red. U. Augustyniak, Warszawa 2009

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Liedke M.
Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych
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2011
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vol. 71
2
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Demografia rodziny magnackiej w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim na tle elit zachodnioeuropejskich. Wybrane problemy

100%
Liedke M.
Przeszłość Demograficzna Polski
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2015
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vol. 37
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issue 1
37-70
EN
The article presents the results of the research on the age of newlyweds, the length of marriages, the number of children in the family and life expectancy for the magnate family in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 16th–18th centuries, and the comparison of those numbers with the parameters established by West-European historical demographers for aristocratic elites from Britain, France, Germany and Portugal and the families that ruled in Europe. The demographic parameters for the magnate family have been obtained from the database that contains information on particular genealogical facts such as the date of birth, marriage and death, and the number of children (collected in library and archival queries for nine families) and they have been compared with the results arrived at by West-European researchers. The results for the magnate family indicate that the average age of men who contract marriage for the first time is included between over 23 to over 27 years; that is also the age range when European aristocrats contracted marriages, but the average age approached the upper limit more frequently. The age at which women from magnate families contracted marriage for the first time also correlates with the data concerning European female aristocrats, that is to say between 18 and 23–24, and approaches the upper limit of the interval. In the case of other parameters the magnate family were of lower value. The length of marriage in magnate families was shorter than in England, the number of children in a family also was smaller, and life expectancy was usually shorter both for men and women. When we compare the data concerning magnate families with the analogous parameters concerning the West-European elites we can see that the magnate families from Lithuania were generally less healthy. The increase of nearly all the demographic parameters in the 18th century in their case was after all inferior to the ones referring to similar social groups in England and France. There is a possibility that difficulties connected with obtaining complete data and – as a result – a less numerous research sample, as well as taking into consideration only the children that had grown to the adult age (in the West-European samples all the children that had been born were counted) have influenced the values of the parameters and made them less reliable. That is why it is a need to continue the research and to concentrate on other problems (which are important from the point of view of functioning of the family), such as the size of definite celibate in the group in question, the percentage of second and third marriages, the problem of illegitimate children, etc.
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Zróżnicowanie wyznaniowe a postawy prokreacyjne magnaterii w XVI i w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku

100%
Liedke M.
Przeszłość Demograficzna Polski
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2017
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vol. 39
49-63
PL
Artykuł miał na celu ustalenie – wobec funkcjonowania obiegowych opinii o mniejszej liczbie dzieci w rodzinach protestanckich – czy wyznanie w istotny sposób wpływało na ten parametr demograficzny w magnackich rodzinach różnych wyznań chrześcijańskich oraz, ewentualnie, wskazanie, jakie inne czynniki mogły oddziaływać na jego na wartość. Analizę przeprowadzono na podstawie bazy zawierającej dane o liczbie dzieci dożywających wieku dorosłego 41 magnackich rodzin prawosławnych, 40 kalwińskich i 89 katolickich funkcjonujących na obszarze Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów w XVI i w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku (w okresie późniejszym magnateria składała się już przeważnie z rodzin wyznania katolickiego, a i wcześniej, wobec licznych konwersji prawosławnych na katolicyzm i zwykle jedno- lub najwyżej dwupokoleniowego związku z kalwinizmem wcześniejszych wyznawców katolicyzmu i prawosławia, trudno było zestawić wymaganą liczbę rekordów). Średnie z tych danych uzyskane dla poszczególnych grup wyznaniowych sprawdzono pod względem istotności statystycznej i nie wykazały one istotnych różnic między badanymi grupami wyznaniowymi, podobnie jak przeprowadzone wcześniej przez Agnieszkę Zielińską i Grażynę Liczbińską badania dla katolickiego i ewangelickiego mieszczaństwa Torunia i Poznania w XIX wieku (i, podobnie do ustaleń obu autorek, niewielką przewagą w liczbie dzieci wykazały się magnackie rodziny kalwińskie). Można zatem wnioskować, iż wskazania teologiczne poszczególnych wyznań (uwidaczniające się m.in. w sformułowaniu celów małżeństwa), podobnie jak mentalność, nie warunkowały w zasadniczy sposób postaw prokreacyjnych magnaterii poszczególnych wyznań chrześcijańskich z obszaru Korony i Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego. Wolno przypuszczać, iż na wartość tego parametru demograficznego decydujący wpływ miały inne czynniki demograficzne (wiek wstępowania w związki małżeńskie, czas trwania małżeństwa), strategie rodzinne, sytuacja ekonomiczna danej rodziny czy stan zdrowotny rodziców.
EN
In order to verify the stereotypical opinion that in Protestant families the number of children was below the average the article is an attempt to answer the question whether religion significantly influenced that demographic parameter in aristocratic families of various religious affiliations, and whether there were other factors that had any impact on that number. The analysis has been carried out on the database on the number of children that reached adulthood in aristocratic families – 41 Orthodox, 40 Calvinistic and 89 Catholic – living in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (formally the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania) in the 16th century and the first half of the 17th century (later the aristocracy was mainly Catholic, and even earlier as there were numerous conversions from the Orthodox faith to Catholicism and Calvinism usually was one or at most two generations old, it was hardly possible to juxtapose the required number of records). The averages of those data obtained for a particular religious affiliation have been verified from the point of view of their statistical significance and they have not revealed any differences between the tested groups of different religious affiliations; the research conducted earlier by Agnieszka Zielińska and Grażyna Liczbińska on Catholic and Evangelical bourgeoisie of Toruń and Poznań in the 19th century gave similar results (a little higher number of children was detected in aristocratic Calvinistic families as well). Thus, it is possible to conclude that theological recommendations of various religious affiliations (which is visible, among other things, in the aims of marriage), as well as mentality, did not influence the reproductive attitudes of the aristocracy of various Christian denominations in the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It may be supposed that the value of that demographic parameter was influenced by other demographic factors (the age of contracting marriage, the duration of marriage), family’s strategies, the economic situation of the family or the state of health of the parents.
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Death of the Magnate: Life Expectancy of the Magnatery in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth Versus the Demography of the Western European Elites in the Early Modern Age

100%
Liedke M.
Przeszłość Demograficzna Polski
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2019
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vol. 41
57-79
PL
Celem artykułu było ustalenie oczekiwanej długości życia magnaterii w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów i porównanie uzyskanych wyników z tymi, które obliczono dla elit zachodnioeuropejskich w okresie wczesnonowożytnym. Obliczenia wartości tego parametru dokonano na podstawie faktów genealogicznych, takich jak daty urodzin i śmierci przedstawicieli 17 rodów (356 dorosłych mężczyzn i 173 dorosłe kobiety). Tablice wymieralności skonstruowano, zaczynając od wieku 20 lat. Ze względu na relatywnie niedużą liczbę przypadków, podstawą konstrukcji tablic była cała analizowana grupa mężczyzn i kobiet (skrajne daty urodzin dla kohorty w przypadku mężczyzn to 1457–1800, a w odniesieniu do kobiet – 1499–1796). Ponieważ zaobserwowano niewielkie różnice w oczekiwanej długości życia magnatów z Korony i Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego, zdecydowano obliczyć 95% przedziały ufności. Następnie dokonano porównania oczekiwanej długości życia magnaterii z wartością tego parametru obliczonego dla elit zachodnioeuropejskich. Baza danych została skonstruowana na podstawie informacji zaczerpniętych z prac genealogicznych i opublikowanych materiałów odnoszących się do poszczególnych rodzin, z biografii poszczególnych osób i monografii rodzin, biogramów z Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego, artykułów poświęconych danym rodzinom i ich przedstawicielom oraz źródeł historycznych już opublikowanych, takich jak testamenty, listy i pamiętniki. Dane te uzupełniono lub skorygowano w wyniku kwerendy archiwalnej. Oczekiwana długość życia magnatów w wieku 20 lat wyniosła prawie 33 lata, a w wieku 50 lat – 14,5 lat. Dwudziestoletnie kobiety zaś żyły jeszcze średnio 31 lat, a te w wieku 50 lat – jeszcze 19 lat. Różnice między oczekiwaną długością życia przedstawicieli obu części Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów były niewielkie. Jednak możemy obserwować większe różnice w oczekiwanej długości życia miedzy magnaterią a elitami zachodnioeuropejskimi, na korzyść tych ostatnich, szczególnie w drugiej połowie XVII i w XVIII wieku. Niższa oczekiwana długość życia magnaterii mogła wynikać z gorszej niż na Zachodzie opieki medycznej, a w szerszym ujęciu – z niższego poziomu kapitału ludzkiego. Niewielkie różnice w wartości tego parametru między przedstawicielami Korony i Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego mogły wynikać z jednej strony z niewielkiej próby badawczej, a z drugiej – z podobnego stylu życia oraz warunków ekonomicznych i środowiskowych. Ponadto przedstawiciele obu głównych części Rzeczypospolitej byli ze sobą spokrewnieni na skutek koligacji małżeńskich.
EN
The main purpose of the text was to obtain the life expectancy of the magnatery in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and compare it with the results from the Western European elites in the early modern age. Calculation of the life expectancy parameter values was made on the basis of genealogical facts, such as dates of birth and death of the members of 17 families (365 adult men and 173 adult women). Life tables were constructed starting from the age of 20. On account of the relatively small number of cases, the entire group was adopted as the cohort constituting the basis for constructing the life tables (extreme dates of birth for the cohort are in the case of men: 1457–1800 and women: 1499–1796). Because there were slight differences that may be observed between the life expectancy of magnates from the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, I decided to calculate 95% confidence intervals from my sample. Then I compared the value for the life expectancy of the magnatery with the value for the same parameter of the Western European aristocracy. My database was constructed using information from genealogical works and published materials referring to particular families, biographies of particular people, and also biographies published in the Polish Biographic Dictionary, monographs of families, articles dedicated to these families and their members, as well as already-published sources, such as wills, letters and memoirs. Certain data were complemented or corrected as a result of an archive query. Male life expectancy at the age of 20 was almost 33 years, and at the age of 50, 14.5. On average, women who reached their 20s carried on living for a further 31 years, and after reaching the age of 50, still had 19 years to go. Differences in life expectancy between men and women from different parts of the country turned out to be minor. The results of calculating 95% confidence intervals from my sample are not statistically significant. However, we can see bigger differences in relation to the Western European elites. Studies conducted by Western European historical demographers showed longer life expectancy for both men and women, especially in the second half of the 17th and 18th centuries. The lower life expectancy of the magnatery might have been the result of worse medical care, and in a broader sense, a lower level of human capital. The very small differences in life expectancy between men and women from different parts of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth may have resulted from the small amount of data collected and, on the other hand, of a similar lifestyle and economic and environmental conditions. In addition, they were related to each other as a result of marriage between representatives of both states of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
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Uwagi o wieku uprawniającym do zawarcia małżeństwa w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim w XVI-XVIII wieku

100%
Liedke M.
Przeszłość Demograficzna Polski
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2013
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vol. 32
7 - 24
EN
The author examines the problem of marriageable age in the Christian secular and canon laws as well as Jewish and Tartar laws in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 16th–18th centuries. She points to the extent to which the lower age limit specified by the law was indeed used in practice. The basis for her analysis is provided by secular and religious normative acts as well as the literature on the subject. The Catholic and Protestant canon laws made it possible for women to marry at 12 and for men to marry at 14. In the Orthodox Church, on the other hand, in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, this age for women was 12 or 13 and for men 14 or 15. The Jews could marry off their daughters when they were 12 or 13, and their sons when they were 13; the Muslim, respectively, probably as of the age of 9 (daughters) and 12 (sons). Thus, these laws allowed people to marry at a relatively early age, but in practice the lower limit as defined legally was rarely applied. In Poland Christian women married aged, on average, between 18 and 24.5, while men married usually when they were over 26 years old. Jewish men married when they were around 18 years old, later than their women. The minimum legal age making it possible for people to marry did not have to denote the age of majority, which the secular law in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania set at 18 for men and 13 for women (15 until 1588).
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Z badań nad prokreacją magnaterii Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego w XVI–XVIII wieku

100%
Liedke M.
Przeszłość Demograficzna Polski
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2010
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vol. 29
7-27
EN
The text presents the initial results of research on the demography of magnates in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The author analysed three families: the Radziwiłł, Sanguszko and Chodkiewicz families. She studied the duration of marriages, the number of children in the marriages, the age of male representatives of the families when they married, as well as the age of the women they married. The study was based on published sources, manuscripts, genealogy works, family monographs and biographies. In these three families men married when they were on average slightly over 33 years old; the average age at first marriage was 27 years and at remarriage — about 39 years. Women married at the average age of 20; the average age at first marriage was over 19 years and at second — 23 years. Marriages (114 total) lasted on average 14.2 years; they were shorter in the 16th and the 17th century (about 12 years) and longer in the 18th century (about 18 years). First marriages (80 total) lasted on average 15.5 years (median: 12 years), and second — 11 years (median: 8 years). In all marriages the average number of children was 2.8 children per couple (median: 2), and the number of children surviving to adulthood was 2 per couple. The average number of children in first marriages was higher than in remarriages. Almost three-fourths of children surviving to adulthood were born in first marriages. About half of remarriages were childless. Judging by the results of these three families, fewer children were born to the magnates than to other social groups, but the survival rate of magnate children (71%) was higher than that of children in other groups. Taking into account the survival rate of male descendants, we can see that there was no complete generation renewal in these three families.
7

Legaty członków Kościoła ewangelicko-reformowanego w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim w aktach synodów prowincjonalnych wileńskich z lat 1611-1640

100%
Liedke M.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
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2012
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vol. 60
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issue 1
21-32
EN
The Calvinist Church was not dominant in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, hence it did not receive endowments from monarchs. Ministers, congregation schools and cultural life had to be financed by members of the Church, especially magnates (whose number among the Calvinists was decreasing with time), gentry and burghers. The article discusses the issue of forms, value and circumstances of the legacies that were recorded in the documents of the Lithuanian Brethren synods from 1611-1640. The analysis includes the social status and gender of the legators. The beginning of the period analyzed is marked with the oldest surviving protocols, while its end is the death of Krzysztof Radziwiłł, the main patron of Lithuanian Calvinists. The Calvinist Church in Lithuania was a legal entity, therefore legators could transfer the ownership of the property to the Bretheren, which strengthened their financial position. In spite of that, if patrons of Calvinism converted to Catholicism (which occurred more and more frequently with time), there were problems with keeping the property that had earlier been donated by themselves or by their ancestors. In this situation an important role was played by the actor of the Lithuanian congregations, who represented the Brethren in court and took care of their financial position. One of his duties was to execute legacies, since not all of them were swiftly passed to the Brethren. When the protocol was drawn up only 40% of legacies were in fact in possession of the Brethren; the other 60% had to be executed. The legacies registered in the documents of the provincial synods of the Lithuanian Brethren include money (152) and non-cash legacies (67); the latter category includes founding churches and their endowments, land, buildings, silver, book collections and various immovables. 162 legacies were left by men, 48 by women and 11 were collective. 80% of the legacies came from gentry, while 14% from burghers. There were 7 legacies left by clergymen and 11 collective ones, in which the donors could have been both noblemen and burghers. The total value of cash legacies in the years 1611-1641 was 57 689.5 Polish zloties; the amounts left ranged from 3 to even 4000 zloties. On the average, 5 cash legacies were recorded yearly, the average sum of the legacy being c. 400 zloties (assuming that the average salary of a clergymen was c. 50 zloties per annum, such a legacy could have sufficed for 8 years). Most of such legacies were left by gentry. Not all the legacies were mentioned in the synod documents with a specified sum, which influenced the calculations presented in the article. Still, congregation actors knew the sums, since those appeared in testament copies, in donation or foundation documents, and in congregation or district registers (this last type of source, however, is rarely available with regard to the period in question). The article presents only an outline of issues connected with legacies left to the Calvinist Church by its members in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It is necessary to continue research on this topic, taking into account data from other types of sources preserved in the archives of the Lithuanian Brethren, without which it is impossible to determine the financial position of this religious community.
8
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Problemy finansowe ewangelickiej Jednoty Litewskiej w pierwszej połowie XVII w. w świetle akt synodów prowincjonalnych

63%
Liedke M., Guzowski P.
Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych
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2017
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vol. 78
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie systemu zarządzania finansami oraz wykazanie faktycznego położenia ekonomicznego Kościoła ewangelicko-reformowanego w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim w pierwszej połowie XVII w. w związku z funkcjonującymi w dotychczasowej literaturze przedmiotu opiniami o zadowalającej sytuacji finansowej Jednoty w tym okresie. Autorzy zamierzają wskazać czynniki, które wpływały na sytuację ekonomiczną tego Kościoła w okresie zintensyfikowania akcji kontrreformacyjnej ze strony Kościoła katolickiego i omówić przejawy jego niewątpliwego kryzysu ekonomicznego. Wśród nich szczególną uwagę zwrócono na niesolidność urzędników finansowych Jednoty, kłopoty z zarządzaniem pożyczkami oraz problemy z odzyskiwaniem i realizacją darowizn na rzecz Kościoła. Podstawę źródłową artykułu stanowią protokoły synodów prowincjonalnych Jednoty Litewskiej z lat 1611–1655, w znacznej części poświęcone sprawom ekonomicznym. Financial problems of the Lithuanian Evangelic Unity in the first half of the seventeenth century in the light of records of provincial synodsThe purpose of the article is to present a financial management system of the Evangelical Reformed Church and the Church situation in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the first half of the seventeenth century, in order to verify the opinions about the satisfactory financial situation of the Unity (Polish: Jednota) in that period that could be found in the literature on the subject. The authors indicate all factors influencing the economic position of the Unity in the period of intensified counter-Reformation actions of the Roman Catholic Church, and discuss symptoms of its undoubted economic crisis. Among these special attention is paid to unreliability of the Unity’s financial officers, troubles with the management of loans and problems with getting back and receiving donations made to the Unity. The article is based on records of provincial synods of the Lithuanian Unity in the period of 1611–1655, in their large part devoted to financial matters.
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Demograficzne konsekwencje zróżnicowania społecznego w osiemnastowiecznej Polsce

51%
Poniat R., Guzowski P., Kaźmierczyk E., Liedke M.
Kwartalnik Historyczny
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2023
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vol. 130
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issue 4
733-769
EN
The historical literature relatively often emphasises the social and economic differentiation of pre-modern populations but rarely attempts to analyse this phenomenon quantitatively, especially in the case of the society of the pre-partitioned Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Housing conditions, hygiene, diet, the nature of professional activity or the level of security all influenced the biological standard of living, which can be studied, among other things, using demographic methodology. The article indicates social differentiation of such demographic parameters as adult life expectancy, household size, structure, and age of leaving the household.
PL
W literaturze historycznej stosunkowo często podkreśla się zróżnicowanie społeczne i ekonomiczne dawnych populacji, ale rzadko zjawisko to analizowane jest kwantytatywnie, zwłaszcza w przypadku społeczeństwa Rzeczypospolitej przedrozbiorowej. Warunki mieszkaniowe, higiena, dieta, charakter aktywności zawodowej czy poziom bezpieczeństwa wpływały na biologiczny standard życia, który można badać m.in. za pomocą metodologii demograficznej. Artykuł wskazuje społeczne zróżnicowanie takich parametrów demograficznych, jak dalsze trwanie życia osób dorosłych, wielkość i struktura gospodarstw domowych oraz wiek opuszczania gospodarstwa domowego.
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