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PL
Artykuł jest efektem badań percepcji przestrzeni Polski pod względem preferencji turystycznych wśród grupy studentów geografii Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego. Z wrócono uwagę na istniejącą zależność między zdolnością identyfikacji województw a preferowaniem ich do wypoczynku. Skonstruowano także szereg map mentalnych, określających preferencje turystyczne studentów.
EN
Research tourist preferences in voivodeship scale is a subject of this paper. Results of this study are no t surprise. The more attractive voivodeships in students opinion are voivodeships in mountains, on the Baltic Coast and in Lakes Province. Voivodeships in Central and East Poland are preferred only by a several respondents. There are in Poland a group of voivodeships which are not properly recognised and identified; i.e. toruńskie, włocławskie, ciechanowskie, ostrołęckie, rzeszowskie, zamojskie and chełmskie. It’s terra incognita without strong positive or negative preferences. Watching for a places to take a rest students first of all pay attention to it’s natural advantages (mostly inhabitants of Łódź) and ecological situation (mostly residents of Łódź Region cities). During the studies there was revealed a specific type of preferences. Several people prefer first of all a big urban and industrial agglomerations.
PL
W wielu współczesnych miastach doświadczamy zaburzeń ładu, zarówno w wymiarze społecznym, jak i przestrzennym. W artykule podjęto próbę analizy poziomu zagrożeń ładu społeczno-przestrzennego na podstawie wywiadów kwestionariuszowych z mieszkańcami Kołobrzegu. Respondenci mieli za zadanie ocenić jakość przestrzeni swojego miasta, efekty realizowanych miejskich programów operacyjnych, a także odnieść się do wybranych zagrożeń w miejscu ich zamieszkania. Przeprowadzone analizy miały dać zatem odpowiedź na pytanie o hierarchię i poziom istotności zagrożeń w poszczególnych obszarach miasta. Wyniki uzyskane w Kołobrzegu wskazują na mniejsze nasilenie różnych problemów o charakterze społeczno-przestrzennym w porównaniu wynikami uzyskiwanymi dla dużych polskich miast. Ponadto należy podkreślić, że kołobrzeżanie posiadają generalnie pozytywny obraz swojego miasta.
EN
The main aim of the study was to determine the level of the threats of social- -spatial order in Kołobrzeg – a city in north-western Poland – based on local people’s opinions. In general, respondents shared their positive view of Kołobrzeg according to various descriptive categories, while the threats were noticed to a relatively small extent. Among the considered social-spatial threats most of them they referred to the broad topic of social environment rather than to any spatial and physical problems. Hence those often comprised of unemployment, presence of drunken people in the streets, lacking leisure opportunities and poverty. At the same time, the threats under investigation were perceived as much acute among respondents living in the city centre who pointed out unemployment, groups of ‘hanging around’ young people, homeless people and beggars, presence of drunken people in the streets and high noise disturbance as the most serious problems.
PL
Zakłada się, że zachowania obronne mieszkańców w przestrzeni miasta są reakcją na realne bądź percypowane zagrożenia tam występujące. Zagrożenia te mogą mieć charakter społeczny, materialny i socjalny, zdrowotny, związany ze stanem środowiska czy wreszcie charakter związany z bezpieczeństwem międzynarodowym. Zasadniczym celem artykułu jest opis i analiza różnych aspektów zachowań obronnych mieszkańców, które powstały wskutek różnorodnych i zróżnicowanych przestrzennie zagrożeń występujących w Łodzi.
EN
The issues of safety and security in modern cities are complicated and economic, social, cultural, political and spatial dimensions become very important. In this paper the socio-spatial factors affecting residents’ sense of threat and behaviour were studying. The question of “what are the most important socio-spatial factors that can affect the sense of security in cities?” was answered. The research population consisted of the residents of five different areas of the city of Łódź who were 18 years old and above of which a sample of 900 individuals were chosen. These findings showed that perceived socio-spatial threats could strongly affect the residents’ defensive behaviours.
EN
In Poland, only about one in two crimes is reported to police, but there is an another type of data source that shows the rest of crimes. By directly questioning victims about their experiences, it is possible to generate information about the socalled dark figure of crime, i.e. about those incidents that go either unreported or unrecorded by the police. The paper presents the analysis of the researches on the dark figure of crime of three selected housing estates in Łód : D browa (tower blocks), Julianów (single housing) and Nowe Miasto (downtown). Various parts of the paper analyze the research results on reporting rate and risk of victimization. The socio-demographic characteristics of residents which influence the level of fear were also studied. The survey also confirmed a correlation between the sense of security and the level of unrecorded crime. The residents of Nowe Miasto, for example, lowly assess their personal security (although it has the average recorded crime rate) because of the highest victimization rate.
EN
In this chapter author presents the most important theories on creating safe space. The most influential of them were detailed examined i.e. Newmana, Jeffry, Jacobs, Van Soomeren, Clarke, Nelsona and Brantinghams’ theories. Next the Crime Prevention through Environmental Design program were discussed. In the last part of the chapter examples of program implementation were presented.
EN
This article consists of two parts: short theoretical admission and the main, empirical part. The main part presents the analysis of the level of fear of crime, the factors that influence it and characteristics of the prevalence in recorded crime of five selected housing estates: D browa (block housing estate mainly dates from 1970−75 years), Jagiełły-Czarnieckiego (building dates from the years 1975−80), Karolew (blocks from the second half of the sixties), Kurak (older buildings were designed for habitation before the 1965 year) and Widzew-Wschód (housing estate was built in the eighties). The author analyzes research results regarding three main aspects of the sense of security: cognitive (What is the likelihood that you will become a victim of offence?, What is the likelihood that you will become a victim of one of the forms of offence mentioned below (such: beaten, robbed, assaulted, molested etc)?), emotional (How often do you usually walk alone in this area after dark?) and behavioural (active/passive forms of protection). As well socio-demographic factors of residents that influence the level of fear were studied. In five research areas, respondents assessed the dangers and threats in their neighbourhood in a different way but there are not identified any significant spatial variations in sense of security. On the other hand, there are many interesting correlations between three main components of the fear of crime and between components and certain socio-demographic respondent’s characteristics as well. The survey also confirmed a lack of correlation between the sense of security and the real level of recorded crime.
EN
The main aim of this article is to present the spatial diversity of criminal acts and offences in Tomaszów Mazowiecki. The analysis was preceded by the characteristic of spatial and organizational structure of institutions combating and preventing the crime, i.e. Police and Municipal Police. The first Police Station in Tomaszów Mazowiecki was established in 1919. The headquarters of the Station (and then Department) was changed several times, until 1957, when it moved to St Antoni Street 41. Currently the new building of the Department is under construction (on Lange Street). Until 1995 the city space of Tomaszów Mazowiecki was divided into two beats, which in turn was divided into 14 precincts. The headquarters of both beats is District Police Department. The city is served by 200 policemen, according to the state from 2005, but actually it’s lower because of vacant posts. The Municipal Police in Tomaszów Mazowiecki was established in 1992 and now its headquarters is situated on P.O.W. Street 10/16. The Municipal Police can realize its tasks acting independently in the range defined by the City Mayor and Commanding Officer of Municipal Police, but also should cooperate with the Police and other services acting ‘for improving the security and public order, ecology, nature preservation, animal care’. In 2002-2005 in Tomaszów Mazowiecki the downward trend of crime number were noted. During this period 9418 crimes (and 3443 offenses) were recorded on the city area. Therefore on average 2354 crimes (and 861 offences) took place in the city. Calculating it per 10 000 inhabitants, we obtain the index 347,1. This value suggests that the crime level in Tomaszów Mazowiecki is lower than in big cities in Poland. The index is also lower than the index for all country (378,1 in the period of 2002-2004). Nevertheless, in so far as the population of Tomaszów Mazowiecki constitutes about 55,3% of Tomaszowski District, there were recorded 74% of crimes and 64% of offences committed in all District. Taking into consideration individual categories of all crimes committed in the period of 2002-2005, it appears that the most often occurs burglaries (24% of total crime number), robberies (10,2%) and damages to properties (9,4%). Banditries constituted 2,4% of all crimes committed in the period of 2002-2005. Remaining categories, as: murders, affrays and batteries, bodily injuries, lascivious acts and rapes, maintained on the level of 3,2% of all crimes. From among total offences, the most popular were those from the article 119 of Offence Code (deforcement) and article 124 of Offense Code (damage to someone else’s property). The number of crimes committed in Tomaszów Mazowiecki in the period of 2002- 2005 shows clear spatial diversity, with observable concentration of the phenomenon in central precincts of the city (fig. 2). In case of crimes some long standing regularities concerning their daily and weekly schedule can be observed. As it shows the figure 3, days most threatened of crime are Fridays and Saturdays. Inhabitants of Tomaszów can feel more secure on Mondays and Sundays, especially in the morning (during the first shift). Generally during all week, the most safe are mornings. More crimes occurs in the afternoon, and the most in the evening or by night. In Tomaszów Mazowiecki and its surroundings during the third shift especially damages to properties, burglaries and car robberies occur. Another time is chosen by offenders of banditries, bodily injuries and robberies of bikes and motorcycles (afternoons), and especially pickpockets (mornings). In Tomaszów Mazowiecki in 1998 the program ‘Safe City’ was introduced. Originally it’s aim is improving general security in the city. In the range of crime menace, which is the subject of this work, the most important tasks are to be concentrated on: limitation of robberies and burglaries, stopping the increase of car crimes, reducing the number of crimes against the life and health; improvement inhabitants’ sense of security. The important is that as executors of those tasks were engaged not only Police and Municipal Police officers, but also representatives of security agencies, City Hall, insurance agencies, schools and housing co-operatives. It was rightly assumed that the success of program realization can be brought by developing the cooperation between different institutions and inhabitants.
PL
Głównym celem artykułu jest przedstawienie zróżnicowania przestrzennego czynów przestępczych i wykroczeń na obszarze Tomaszowa Mazowieckiego. Analiza ta poprzedzona została charakterystyką struktury przestrzennej i organizacyjnej instytucji zajmujących się zwalczaniem i przeciwdziałaniem przestępczości, tj. Policji i Straży Miejskiej. Omówiono także główne cele i zadania Programu „Bezpieczne Miasto”.
EN
Nowadays geography can do much more in crime and delinquency research than only mapping. Since 70s of the 20th century various research methods have been developed by scientists dealing with geography of crime. The computer tools, including GIS software were the basis for that process. In the paper author presents following methods and research techniques: thematic maps (graphical representation of spatial data, which enables to built geographical basic data models), hot spot analysis (pointing places with high crime concentration), spatial autocorrelation (spatial identification of crime concentration), spatial regression (analysis of crime and other accompanying phenomena), ProMap – prospective mapping (prediction of the most probable places where crimes might be committed), and geographical profiling (element of psychological profiling thanks to which identification of places connected with criminals is possible).
PL
Potrzeba zastosowania geograficznego podejścia do badań przestępczości została zauważona jeszcze w XIX w., kiedy stwierdzono, że przestępczość jest zjawiskiem, którego dystrybucja w przestrzeni nie jest równomierna. Obecnie w badaniach przestępczości geografia ma do odegrania zdecydowanie większą rolę niż tylko przedstawianie na mapach zróżnicowania przestrzennego liczby dokonywanych przestępstw. Poczynając od lat 70. ubiegłego wieku, w ramach geografii przestępczości rozwinęły się różne metody badawcze. Jedną z głównych podstaw tego rozwoju było niewątpliwie pojawienie się na szerszą skalę sprzętu komputerowego oraz ewolucja oprogramowania GIS. W artykule przedstawiono takie metody i techniki badań, jak: mapy tematyczne, analiza hot spotów, autokorelacja przestrzenna, regresja przestrzenna, ProMap – mapy przestępczości potencjalnej i profilowanie geograficzne.
EN
The correlation between the actual level and intensity of crime and the fear of crime is very complex and full of the paradoxes, which has often been analyzed in the literature (Krajewski 2007; Mordwa 2010, 2011). As far as the analysis of the customer’s feedback in two shopping centres in Łódź is concerned, it turned out that in this case we have the situation rather explicit. Low actual level of risk (established on the basis of the victimization research) is accompanied by a high sense of security among customers. This sense of security is reflected in both the low assessment of the risk of victimization, and the risk of different types of threats and offences. In the analysis of customer feedback in Galeria Łódzka and in Manufaktura only in a few issues there were significant differences. Generally, the structure of the response was very similar for both groups of surveyed customers. This may prove that there is a similar state of security and its perception in the both research areas. This state is independent of the specificity of the tested shopping centre. With a significant degree of probability, it can be presumed that this results from is the real level of crime and insecurity but not from the techniques and procedures used. Prevention and reduction of crime in the areas of shopping centres is very important issue for their owners. Crime is probably reduced to the attainable Poczucie bezpieczeństwa w centrach handlowych… 187 minimum, not to deter potential customers. It turned out that the high level of security in such conditions is varied not so much. The research has revealed a number of associations and correlations between socio-demographic characteristics of respondents and their expressed opinions and attitudes to crime and security on the one hand, but also between the different variables of sense of security on the other. This is described in details the article, but what is important in summary, is the fact that influences and correlations between features and variables are not fixed and unambiguous in all analyzed in this research subjects. The influence of sex and age on various aspects of security is most confirmed, although this isn’t always significant. Among other characteristics of the respondents having an impact on the variability of their responses the level of education and political affiliation should be included.
PL
Dla każdego człowieka niezwykle istotne jest zapewnienie sobie i bliskim bezpieczeństwa. Jest to jeden z podstawowych stanów, którego osiągnięcie stanowi podstawę naszej jakości życia. Osiągnięcie poczucia bezpieczeństwa idzie w parze ze zmniejszeniem niepokojów i stresów, pojawieniem się uczucia komfortu, harmonii. Poczucie to ogranicza lęki i dyskomfort związany ze strachem. Oczywiście bezpieczeństwo można rozpatrywać na różnych płaszczyznach (np. jako stan zabezpieczenia przed utratą życia, zdrowia, pracy, autorytetu, uczuć, majątku) i w różnej skali (globalnej, narodowej, społecznej, osobistej). W tym opracowaniu podjęta zostanie próba opisania poczucia bezpieczeństwa, czyli braku zagrożenia przestępczością u klientów wybranych centrów handlowych w Łodzi. Artykuł będzie dotyczył oceny zagrożenia przestępczością na obszarze dwóch centrów handlowych: Galerii Łódzkiej i Manufaktury. Poziom bezpieczeństwa percypowanego przez klientów zostanie opisany na podstawie opinii uzyskanych od klientów tych centrów handlowych w trakcie badań kwestionariuszowych.
EN
This paper presents an overview of the present state of crime in Poland, and the main goals are to detect the distribution and clustering of crimes, and to identify high rate regions. It is a common practice to compare countries, regions or cities in terms of safety performance, and to rank them in terms of risk indicators such as the crime rates, which are often expressed as the number of crime per 10 000 persons. This paper examines the subregional disparities hidden behind the national statistics (www.stat.gov.pl) on some crime statistics in Poland with GIS and spatial analyses. The first step to identify possible patterns of crime rates is to map the crime phenomenon. The distribution of relative rates of crimes in the Polish subregions were presented in fig. 1. The analysis of all the committed in Poland crimes in years 2008‒2011, maintaining the same territorial level of researches (66 subregions; i. e. NTS-3 European statistical level) revealed an interesting crime geographies picture, which in turn, increased the assumption of not homogenous spatial distributions. Talking into consideration all the crimes in Poland there were 294 crimes per 10 000 inhabitants, but in large cities (Wrocław – 561; katowicki – 527; trójmiejski – 509; Poznań ‒ 488) and in north-western subregions the value was more than 50% higher than the Polish average. In the eastern subregions the number of crimes was the half of the Polish average value (krośnieński – 169; przemyski – 174; rzeszowski ‒ 179). The changes of crime rates in 2008‒2011 years were shown in fig. 2. Statistics of growth rates in north subregions there was a more than 2% decrease (koszaliński, Szczecin, szczeciński, słupski, ełcki), in the central and southern subregions a strong increase (nearly 10%; nowosądecki, Kraków, poznański, tyski). The statistics for whole Poland indicates an increase of 2%. If the number of solved crimes is related to the estimated total number of crimes, the performance of police is very weak – generally in Poland it is only about 70%. In the subregions of largest Polish cities, detectability of crimes is much lower in comparison to other subregions (fig. 3). Crimes can be distinguished by four categories: criminal offences (the main two groups are: against property and against life and health), commercial crimes, traffic and the so-called “others”. In this paper, some kinds of crime activities were examined. Criminal crimes against life and health include crimes like homicide, deliberate wounding, assault, damage to health. Assaults and damages to health are, in general, committed by male adults; in recent years, more types of violent crimes are committed by the underaged. The subregions of Śląsk, West and North Poland, had relatively more violent crimes per 10 000 population (fig. 5). Category of crimes against property consists of various forms of theft, burglary and robbery, theft with assault, criminal coercion. Crimes against property account for 53% of total crimes and for 78% of criminal offences. In general, property crimes per 10 000 residents are strongly overrepresented in the crime profiles of the subregions of West and North Poland, Śląsk region (katowicki – 351; gliwicki ‒ 256) and all largest Polish cities (trójmiejski – 303; Kraków – 292; Poznań ‒ 291), but typically lower in the subregions of East (puławski ‒ 72; przemyski – 72; chełmsko-zamojski – 77; krośnieński) and Central (sieradzki) Poland (fig. 6). Commercial crime is the crime of “respectable” people. There is a very broad rande of examples of white-collar crime. Individuals (for example computer criminals, taxes), small businesses (for example VAT taxes), large corporations (for example creative bookkeeping), and governmental agencies (for example corruption) may get involved. Some researchers argue that commercial crime is even more serious than, the violent acts of the street criminals, because is like an insidious corrosion that slowly but surely destroys national economy. White-collar crimes per 10 000 people are overrepresented in subregions which are located in different parts of Poland, such as: Trójmiasto (161 crimes), sandomiersko-jędrzejowski (82), katowicki (74), bytomski, gorzowski and bydgosko-toruński (fig. 7). Traffic crimes – Polish law distinguishes between traffic violations (for example, driving at higher speeds than allowed, driving without a licence, or ignoring red traffic lights) and more serious traffic crimes, e.g. alcohol driving, accidents with victims, hit-and-run accidents. The rates of solved traffic crimes are typically low, compared to criminal crime rates. Traffic crimes per 10 000 people are overrepresented in the western (gorzowski – 78; zielonogórski ‒ 66), eastern (bialski ‒ 77) and central (sieradzki, skierniewicki) subregions of Poland, with the exception of the subregions which include large Polish cities (fig. 8). Basing on the crime patterns of the various categories of offences described above, the k-means cluster statistical technique has been used in the spatial typology analysis. Despite its popularity for general clustering, k-means suffers from major shortcoming: the number of clusters k has to be supplied by the user. In this paper a simple index for validating of the number of clusters has been used. It was the Davies-Bouldin Index (DBI). As it’s shown in fig. 9, the proper number of clusters is 4. As an example, consider partitions into 4 clusters of 66 Polish subregions (using police date crime) see the fig. 10. The different types include subregions: 1) the largest Polish cities (with highest criminal and commercial offences rates and the lowest rates of detectability); 2) located nearby the largest Polish cities (crime rates are similar to the Polish averages); 3) of North and West Poland (with highest criminal, traffic and commercial offences rates and high rates of detectability); 4) of Central and East Poland (with lowest criminal and commercial offences levels and highest rates of detectability).
PL
Celem tego opracowania jest przedstawienie zróżnicowania przestrzennego przestępczości na poziomie podregionów w Polsce. Pod uwagę wzięto główne rodzaje przestępstw: kryminalne, gospodarcze i drogowe. Ponieważ delikty te wykazują odmienne rozkłady przestrzenne postanowiono przedstawić typologię przestrzenną, dzięki której potwierdzono istniejące różnice natężenia zjawisk przestępczych między Polską wschodnią i zachodnią oraz niechlubnie wyróżniającą się pozycję dużych miast.
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Kradzieże w przestrzeni Łodzi

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EN
For the city of Łódź, like in the other polish cities, a typical phenomenon of crime offences is a domination of the thefts (larcenies) among the total number of crimes. Larceny-theft is not only the most common crime in Łódź, but it is the offense category which is very socially burdensome. Larceny-theft entails a variety of crimes characterized by the taking away of someone else's property. Examples of larceny-theft include pick-pocketing, residential thefts and car theft. The main aim of the paper is to show the spatial diversity of property offences in Łódź in the period of 2006–2009. The following issues are presented in the article: a) geographic distribution of thefts in local pattern in Łódź – fig. 1; b) spatial autocorrelation (which conducive to determining whether there are any local level relationships between chosen crime and place exist) – fig. 2; c) spatial regression of chosen crimes (for identifying spatial effects in the dependent variable, i.e. intensity of thefts, and among the independent (demographic) variables – fig. 3 and 4; d) daily and weekly rhythms of offences – fig. 5. The crime rates (number of crimes per 1 000 residents) committed in Łódź shows not clear spatial diversity. Some of them, i.e. pick-pocketing, have observable concentration in the central core of the city, but in case of car thefts, this trend does not work (fig. 5b versus 5c). Knowing the distribution of the crime risk for each part of the city such situation can be avoided by directing the police resources especially in these hot spots (identifying by analyzing of spatial autocorrelation). In case of the regression model, in which the number of larcenies-thefts was a dependent variable, population density and women participation in the local population was a significant enough. In case of crimes some long standing regularity concerning their daily and weekly schedule can be observed. As it shows the fig. 5, days most threatened of larcenies-thefts are Mondays till Fridays. The pickpocket’s works in the morning and in the evening, but more car thefts occurs by night.
PL
Kradzieże należą do grupy przestępstw przeciwko mieniu. Ich uciążliwość w przestrzeni miasta polega na ich powszechności i dokuczliwości społecznej wynikających ze znacznej liczby dokonywanych tego typu czynów. W tym artykule kradzieże rozpatrywane będą pod kątem dystrybucji przestrzennej, autokorelacji sektorów zagrożonych tymi czynami, regresji przestrzennej oraz zmienności w czasie.
PL
Piotrkowska stanowi centralną, najważniejszą ulicę Łodzi, przy której koncentrują się miejskie instytucje, tutaj wznoszono reprezentacyjne kamienice, pałace i rezydencje. W artykule zaprezentowano wyniki badań, które dotyczyły wrażeń studentów z pobytu na Piotrkowskiej. Do badań i do prezentacji wyników wykorzystano opracowaną przez Wejcherta metodę krzywej wrażeń. Dzięki niej zidentyfikowano najcenniejsze miejsca przy Piotrkowskiej, jak i obszary problemowe.
EN
If we analyze a perception of city space among the citizens, we could to acquire knowledge of laws ruling the way how the public spaces are received. We should know this laws because they may differ of that applicable for space policy and planning. In the article, on the basis of the research conducted on Piotrkowska Str. in Łódź, students sensations of space were indicated. It’s an example of using a Wejchert’s method called “krzywa wrażeń” (sensations curve). Piotrkowska Str. is the main artery of Łódź, Poland. During the researches the most attractive places as well as urban conflict zones were indicated.
EN
The Internet, in an unparalleled manner, has created a completely new window on the world. Of late it has become one of the most important media, which is daily being used by more and more people. As such the Internet not only opens the door to new knowledge and information, but it also offers the opportunity to make new acquaintances. Moreover, it creates a forum where people can voice their opinions on virtually any topic and even present their artwork to the public. By its very essence, the Internet represents a globally extended, unregulated and uncontrolled cultural environment.
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EN
This case study considers the development and functioning of the cinemas in Łódź as a complex process of decision making which several interests and concepts with one other. Contemporary cinemas network in the city is the result of different localization decisions in various periods of the history of the city. The paper concerns: the genesis of cinemas network, cinemas present situation and current functioning; the image of the Łódź's cinemas.
PL
Od początku swego powstania kino cieszyło się ogromną popularnością. W początkowej fazie rozwoju sieci kin nierzadko zdarzało się, że kina ze sobą sąsiadowały, a mimo to dobrze prosperowały. W latach 70-tych ubiegłego wieku, latach największego rozkwitu sieci łódzkich kin, wciąż powstawały nowe placówki. Później niestety nastąpił jednak regres. Wyniknął on głównie z utraty widzów na rzecz innych odbiorników audiowizualnych i form przekazu, oraz ze zmiany zachowań klientów i ich preferencji gospodarowania wolnym czasem. Swoje piętno na kinach odcisnęły również: kryzys społeczno-gospodarczy ostatnich dekad XX wieku, a następnie procesy transformacji. Obecnie w Łodzi obserwować można efekty ścierania się dwóch głównych tendencji w polskim kinie. Z jednej strony są wielo- i wielkosalowe sieci kin premierowych nastawione ze swoim produktem na widza popularnego. Stoją za nimi wielkie, nawet ponadnarodowe, koncerny dystrybucyjno-medialne. Alternatywę dla nich stanowią kameralne kina studyjne, preferujące niszowy, ambitny repertuar. Kina te nakierowane są na różnorodne formy kontaktów bezpośrednich z widzami, oferują wiele festiwali artystycznych i imprez okołofilmowych.
EN
The influence of religion on shaping the urban space has to be considered in at least two ways. Firstly, we have cities being created around the places of religious worship (Jackowski 2003, Beaujeu-Garnier, Chabot 1971). Secondly, we have places of religious worship created within the urban space. In both cases, we are dealing with the term of 2 religious space, which by analogy to S. Liszewski’s tourist space (1999) and A. Jackowski’s pilgrimage space (2004) can be defined as subspace of geographical space, created in relevance to its functions. It also seems that for the religious space of the city, its meaning defined by people is no less important than its functions. This article aims to analyze the changes of religious space in Łódź. The issue is presented in relation to the evolution of religious structure of Łódź citizens, from the early 19th century to present times. Various source materials have been used to create this article: census data, archive documents, interviews and questionnaires.
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