The traditional geopolitical idea of a union between Russia and Heartland does not conform to historical facts. If we conceive of the geopolitical axes as interconnections between the centres of power, we can identify three to five such axes: (a) towards Constantinople; (b) across the Baltic region and the Polish-German lowlands; (c) along the Black Sea; (d) towards Persia and the Golden Horde; (e) the Far East Axis. As a result, however, the core of the Russian statehood is not situated to the east of the Urals but rather to the west of the latter, i.e., on the East European plane. Fluctuation in the meaning and significance of these axes attributes the central role either to Kiev or to Moscow. This also helps to understand the unique role of Novgorod not only as a power centre but also as an alternative solution to the unification and arrangement of Russia.
The nergy security of the U.S.A is, after military security, the second most important issue related to the pursuit of national interests. Following World War II, the U.S.A became heavily dependent on the import of oil and increasingly dependent on the import of gas. Since the oil embargo imposed by OPEC in 1973, the U.S.A has been dominated by a view that this dependence should decrease. A possible way out has been reduced consumption and control of the most important oil reserves – this approach builds on Carter’s Doctrine. Today, as a result of the country’s unilateral policy, its military control spans almost the whole area of the Middle East; yet, other countries are more efficient in trade. The solution resides in a multilateral approach to the country’s security, respect for the legitimate interests of others and collaboration in the area of security.
The article, presenting a preparatory study for the author´s New Book about Elections, has set two major objectives: to map current electoral systems and methods used in the early 21st century during the parliamentary elections and to identify the system preferred by most democratic countries of today. To describe electoral approaches, the author particularly uses the latest research results of the Swedish International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Support, specifically its classification into twelve methods within the four „families of electoral systems“ – the majority rule, proportional representation, mixed system and others. The study implies that political parties and power elites prefer the electoral system which they consider most advantageous for them with regard to their current position and popularity with voters. According to the studies by John Colomer, the „micro-mega“ rule holds here – while large parties tend to prefer small representative bodies and small constituencies with a small number of mandates, small parties tend to prefer large assemblies and large constituencies with a large number of mandates. When an old electoral system is replaced by a new one, this change tends to lead to less risky formulae: from indirect elections to direct voting, from a unanimous vote to majority rules, from majority rules to mixed systems and proportional representation – in other words, to larger representative bodies, districts and quotas. However, it is important to take into account a tendency towards „institutional self-reproduction“ – the change of rules is carried out by those who have been elected. The article concludes with a thesis that the fundamental compromise in the world tends towards the implementation of the system of proportional representation with a quorum for entry into representative bodies – which should ensure both relative reliability in reflecting the general public´s views and the stability of the government. This is also the road to the convergence of national voting systems for the elections to the European Parliament.
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