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“16+1” challenge or opportunity of EU

100%
Ping P.
Polish Journal of Political Science
|
2018
|
vol. 4
|
issue 2
7-27
EN
“16+1” forum was proposed by China for the implementation of “Belt and Road” initiative. Since the establishment of 16+1, the trade between China and CEE countries increased significantly. It aroused warm response of CEE countries which actively supported the cooperation with China. However, the cooperation between China and CEE countries aroused doubts of EU, which considered that “16+1” is a challenge of unity of EU. Based on the theory of neoliberalism, and use the method of case studies, the thesis is to analyze China’s motivation towards cooperation with CEE countries and find out “16+1” is an opportunity rather than a challenge of EU.
2
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Unia Europejska w poszukiwaniu odpowiedzi na ekspansję gospodarczą Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej w Europie

84%
Morozowski T.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2018
|
issue 1(366)
62-80
EN
The European Union is facing the challenge of developing a coherent reaction to the increased economic activity of China in Europe. Beijing’s policy of foreign economic expansion and its leap to digital economy are affecting Europe, despite the geographical distance. China is strengthening its position as one of the main actors on the global scene as elements of the New Silk Road will be built in European cities, Chinese companies are buying European technological manufacturers and the trade exchange as well as Chinese investment level in Europe are increasing dramatically. The purpose of this article is to answer the question about the way the EU should react to such Chinese policy. In order to do so the research problem related to the process of shaping this reaction up to now has been analysed. The following research questions have been formulated: what are the sore points and weaknesses which the European side needs to limit? On which fields should the EU develop its partnership with China in the first place? What are the assets on the side of the EU, of which it should make a better use in relations with Beijing? Within the process of resolving these questions the following hypotheses have been formulated: even if not deliberately, Chinese policy contributes to a fragmentation of the European unity; intensity of EU countries’ relations with China is inversely proportional to their engagement in a common European action on contentious topics in the EU-Chinese agenda; coherent European strategy towards China is necessary in order to limit disintegration tendencies as well as to mitigate unfavourable effects of Chinese activity on the internal European market. Three guidelines can be defined as a conclusion drawn from the analysis conducted: introducing a level playing field into reciprocal relations, protection of the European unity and building a strong negotiating position by the EU. An assumption could be made that shaping EU strategy based on these elements will let Europe thoroughly benefit from opportunities provided by the new Chinese economic opening and at the same time limit the possible dangers it carries.
3
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Chińska perspektywa kryzysu na wschodniej granicy Unii Europejskiej (2021-2022)

83%
Adamczyk M.
Wschodnioznawstwo
|
2022
|
vol. 16
157-175
EN
The crisis on the European Union’s eastern border was probably one of the possible key security threats in Central and Eastern Europe in 2021. In the face of the deteriorating situation on the Polish-Belarusian border, the idea of engaging the People’s Republic of China as a mediator became relatively popular in Poland – as evidenced by numerous articles on leading Internet portals (such as Money.pl, Onet.pl or Rp.pl) and the increased interest in this topic in social media (observed by the author in discussions on Twitter in particular). At its core was the belief that the two countries represent an important place in China’s economic policy – with a particular emphasis on their transit role within the New Silk Road. This article is intended as an attempt to answer to what extent this concept may have come to fruition, and how much do Minsk and Warsaw really mean to China?
PL
Kryzys na wschodniej granicy Unii Europejskiej był w roku 2021 prawdopodobnie jednym z potencjalnie kluczowych zagrożeń dla bezpieczeństwa w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. W obliczu pogarszającej się sytuacji na granicy polsko-białoruskiej, w Polsce względnie popularna stała się koncepcja zaangażowania w roli mediatora Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej – o czym świadczyły liczne artykuły na czołowych portalach internetowych (jak Money.pl, Onet.pl czy Rp.pl) oraz wzrost zainteresowania tym tematem w mediach społecznościowych (zaobserwowane przez autora w szczególności w dyskusjach na portalu Twitter). U jej podstaw leżało przekonanie, iż oba państwa stanowią istotne miejsce w chińskiej polityce gospodarczej – ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem ich roli tranzytowej w ramach Nowego Jedwabnego Szlaku. Niniejszy artykuł ma być próbą odpowiedzi, na ile owa koncepcja mogła się urzeczywistnić oraz ile tak naprawdę Mińsk i Warszawa znaczą dla Chin?
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