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EN
The study deals with contemporary Anglo-Saxon historiography and its interpretation of the Russian Revolution (1917). The author analyses and evaluates the current trends in Anglo-Saxon historiography using the example of four new syntheses of the history of the revolution from 2017-2018.
PL
Piotr Cichoracki dokonał recenzji publikacji: М.М. Смольянинов, Морально-боевое состояние россиийских войск Западного Фронта в 1917 году, Минск 2017, s. 171.
EN
The article was based on Prof. Olgierd Górka’s report. Górka was a historian, a diplomat and a representative of the Regency Council in Turkey, where he stayed to learn about the political situation and the attitude of Osman Dynasty to Poland. Górka was also interested in a situation of national minorities, for example Greeks and Jews. He discerned the sympathy of Turkish authorities to Poland, what gave hope for friendly Polish-Turkish relations after the end of the First World War.
EN
The article concerns governmental crises and changes in the chancellor’s position that took place in the German Empire in the period between July and November 1917. It was possible to cover this issue thanks to the analysis of articles published in the Krakow daily newspaper “Głos Narodu”. This paper referred to direct correspondents from Berlin, German press agencies, or information from the German press. The author wants to show a few months of tensions in German internal politics and present various behind-the-scenes games of political parties in the government. The situation in the Empire was important for us, Poles, because the year 1917 and the reports from the fronts of World War I gave rise to more and more hopes for regaining independence.
EN
The February Revolution in Russia in 1917 sparked a broad international response and was also a breakthrough in Russia’s internal development. The main question of Russian foreign policy during the Provisional Government was the question of Russia’s further participation in the war. The paper focuses on approaching the main directions of Russian foreign policy in the period from February to October 1917 and analyzing the situation at the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs as it was captured in the memoirs of the Russian diplomat Georgy Nikolayevich Mikhailovsky.
EN
The article aims to reconstruct the ways in which “Illustrated Weekly” informs the public about the events of the February Revolution in Russia. Additionally the article interprets public opinion held by Polish readers about the events in question. The analysis is based on the issues of the weekly published between the outbreak of the February Revolution and the Bolshevik revolutionin October 1917. The analysis includes both verbal and iconographic representation. Research has shown that the editorial board of “Illustrated Weekly” consistently avoided commenting on the reports from Russia, at the same time they replaced the current news with texts about events of 1905-1907. Their strategy of substitution and analogy indicates that the weekly and its readers could not handle the interpretation of the current political situation in Russia.
EN
The article is a theological reflection inspired events of Fatima in 1917, concerning of private apparitions of the Virgin Mary. The author interprets delivered proclamation as the message of prophet, included into the teacher’s mission of the Church. First talks over the value of the word in the religion. Then introduces the Church as the institution intended to the mission of the prophet and showing humanity the proper direction of the development. There describes also the sin, as the reality touching the believers. Then passes to the presentation of the message of Fatima and its interpretation, as the message strengthening the prophet activity of the Church. Blessed Virgin appearing in Fatima is a prophetess observant before ruinous results of the sin and the showing way of the moral and spiritual renovation throughthe conversion and the penance. The message of the Virgin Mary in Fatima is shown as actual for the contemporary generation of the people living in the world. In it is hearing the God’s care for the salvation of every human being.
PL
Artykuł jest refleksją teologiczną inspirowaną wydarzeniami fatimskimi z 1917 roku, dotyczącymi prywatnych objawień maryjnych. Autor interpretuje przekazane orędzie jako przesłanie prorockie, włączone w misję nauczycielską Kościoła. Najpierw omawia wartość słowa w religii. Następnie przedstawia Kościół jako instytucję przeznaczoną do misji prorockiej, wskazującej ludzkości właściwy kierunek rozwoju. Opisuje też grzech, jako rzeczywistość dotykającą ludzi wierzących. Wtedy przechodzi do prezentacji orędzia fatimskiego oraz jego interpretacji, jako przesłania wzmacniającego działalność prorocką Kościoła. Maryja jawiąca się w Fatimie jest prorokinią przestrzegającą przed zgubnymi skutkami grzechu oraz wskazującą drogę odnowy moralnej i duchowej przez nawrócenie i pokutę. Maryjne orędzie z Fatimy jest ukazane jako aktualne dla współczesnego pokolenia ludzi żyjących w świecie. W nim wybrzmiewa Boża troska o zbawienie każdego człowieka.
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EN
The fall of tsarist autocracy in 1917 opened up the possibility of revival of the Orthodox Church. Political and socialmovement revived activities renovationists, closely observing the prevailing mood among believers. They excepted deepreforms in Church organizations and rituals and postulate require activating the clergy. However, All Russian Sobor of1917-1918 rejected the reneval project based on the idea of creating independent administrative Orthodox community,connected reformed faith and ritual. Consciousness of organizational and ideological confusion motivate renovationiststo turn to the most important factor influencing the social and political life. It happened only until 1922. „Living Church”has become a weapon in the fight the communist regime against in the Orthodox Church.
EN
“The Empire at the end of the decadent days…” (Nicky, Alix, Grigori, and others in journal entries, letters, telegrams, memoirs): Parts I and II The first part of the essay is an attempt to identify the primary motivating factors for the February Revolution (and, consequently, the Bolshevik coup) and the abdication and execution of the last Romanov ruler. In this part, I have discussed a handful of the most often advanced hypotheses of various credibility — from those formulated by historians, historians of ideas, sociologists, and political scientists (protracted warfare, rising dissatisfaction of Petrograd “line standers”, incompetence of the political elites, continuing desacralization of the ruler figure, a process set in motion during the reign of Tsar Alexander II), up to those widely considered irrational, shrouded in mysticism or conspiracy-minded (the curse of the Ides of March, the unearthing of Lermontov’s prophecy, Rasputin’s last will and testament, and the machinations of “The Grand Orient of Russia’s Peoples” masonic lodge). My attention, however, has been focused primarily on the egodocuments important for the understanding of the empire’s decline and erosion — the journals and correspondence of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna. The second part of the essay focuses primarily on the appearance (or its lack) of the February and October events in the journals of Russian writers (including Bunin, Gippius, Ivnev, Korolenko, Kuzmin, Blok, Chukovsky, Merezhkovsky). All of them (rather than only those that suffered the regime’s repressions) shared a lack of compassion or empathy for the overthrown monarch, a dislike (sometimes turning into outright hatred and hostility) of the Bolsheviks, and a proclivity for mourning pre-Revolutionary Russia, a feeling of having witnessed the collapse of a prior, better world. The new (definitely not brave) — built by peasants clad in military garb, “the pale, tall Barbarians”, and mobs running rampant through post-October streets of Moscow and Petrograd — had a gloomy, hostile face of the “boor”, the “troglodyte”, who had nothing in common with the bucolic, paper characters of Turgenev or Tolstoy, and rather resembled clones of the inhabitants of Bunin’s apocalyptic The Village. In the conclusion, I have discussed the possible reasons behind Vladimir Putin’s decision to abandon the idea of official state celebrations of the centenary of the events of February and October of 1917.
RU
„Pимский мир периода упадка…” (Ники, Аликс, Григорий и другие в дневниках, письмах, телеграммах, воспоминаниях) Первая часть эссе представляет собой попытку назвать главные причины Февральской революции и охарактеризовать некоторые ее последствия: большевистский переворот, отречение от престола и казнь последнего императора из династии Романовых. Я привел несколько чаще других выдвигаемых по этому поводу гипотез с разным уровнем достоверности — начиная с тех сформулированных в публикациях историков, историков идей, социологов, политологов (продолжающаяся война, нарастающее недовольство „людей из очередей” в Петрограде, некомпетентность политической элиты, усиливающийся с времен царствования Александра II процесс десакрализации монарха), а заканчивая иррациональными, окутанными мистикой, иногда остающимися в кругу теорий заговора (зловещее проклятие мартовских ид, вышедшее из забвения Предсказание Лермонтова, завещание Распутина, козни масонской ложи „Великий Восток Народов России”). Однако свое внимание я сосредоточил прежде всего на эгодокументах необходимых для лучшего понимания процесса эрозии империи — дневниках и переписке Николая II и его супруги Александры Федоровны. Во второй части я писал в основном о при/от/сутствии февральских и октябрьских событий в дневниках русских писателей (в том числе Бунина, Гиппиус, Ивнева, Королен ко, Кузмина, Блока, Чуковского, Мережковского). Объединило их отсутствие сострадания, эмпатии для свергнутого с престола царя (не только у репрессированных режимом), негативное (иногда переходящее в ненависть, враждебность) отношение к большевикам и всеобщее оплакивание дореволюционной России, чувство потери старого мира. У нового (но не дивного) — создаваемого крестьянами в военной форме, „варваров роями”, „чернью” на послеоктябрьских улицах Петрограда и Москвы — было угрюмое, недружелюбное лицо „хамов”, „пещерных людей”, которые не имели ничего общего с идиллическими, бумажными персонажами вымышленными Тургеневым или Толстым, а, скорее, были клонами героев, населяющих апокалиптическую Деревню Бунина. Наконец, я упомянул о причинах, по которым Владимир Путин отказался от торжественного празднования сотой годовщины Февраля и Октября.
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