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EN
The last years of the nineteenth century and the fi rst decades of the twentieth are extremely important for American foreign policy. This was when the United States entered the elite club of world powers. This was also the moment when the United States began to play a major role in international relations, the role that it has played until the present day. We can observe some similarities in American foreign policy of those times and the present. In this paper, the author concentrates on the American mission. The author also analyzes American exceptionalism in U.S. Latin American policy. It would be helpful to answer an important question: was U.S. Latin American policy at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries a realization of American exceptionalism or just American realpolitik?
EN
The death penalty in the United States of America in the 21st century puzzles (or even outrages) many. Since my intention is not to evaluate the moral aspects of capital punishment, I will concentrate on the puzzlement more than the outrage caused by the phenomenon. When a champion of democracy executes its citizens in the 21st century, it raises questions, and the internal contradictions of the American capital punishment complicate the matter even further. In order to decipher the American phenomenon of state killing, we have to understand the history of capital punishment on American soil along with the mechanics of American political system, as well as American culture and mindset. I will argue there are particular American political institutions, values and social trends that allow for the continued practice of the death penalty in the United States.
EN
The paper tries to explain an interesting shift in the philosophy of Richard Rorty, which took place after he started to pay attention to the renewal of the idea of American exceptionalism. Suddenly he stopped talking about destructing 'the old ladders' and focused on the reconstruction and revision on the basis of religion and American Enlightenment which are the sources of American exceptionalism and civic religion. Actually he abandoned his atheist position and called for the diversity of the religious experience ('romantic polytheism') as a clue to liberal and democratic morality.
EN
Brazil has always remained on the list of priorities of the United States policy towards Latin America. The size of this country, its demographic potential, natural resources and political ambitions caused Washington to observed the foreign policy and domestic affairs of Brazil with utmost concern during the Cold War period. The Cuban revolution radically bolstered anticommunist fears, which influenced the policy of the U.S. in the region. The administration of John Kennedy worked out a new policy in Latin America based on an assumption that repressions are an inefficient tool in the war against the communist danger. The U.S.A. offered its Latin American partners the Alliance for Progress, which was an unprecedented program of economic aid. The aim of the new policy was not only the economic advancement of Latin America but also its democratization. However, the political reality unveiled the weaknesses of this plan. Washington did not accept radical politicians as heads of the states if their programs and policies did not guarantee maintenance of ties with the United States and anticommunist foreign policy. Thus, the presidencies of Janio Quadros and Joao Goulart (1961-1964) became intolerable for the United States. Washington supported the idea of a military coup d'état which was to protect Brazil from a communist dictatorship.
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