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EN
The article deals with the analyses of the problem of comparative-historical linguistics from the point of view of the new dialect data. Assessing the preliminary results of the OLA project, the author focused her attention on the new linguistic geography data given in the Atlas, and the evolution of some units and Proto-Slavic dialect differentiation of Slavia.
Slavica Slovaca
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2009
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vol. 44
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issue 1
5-12
EN
From a long time ago researches have been done in the historical linguistic and dialectology and they will always remain as a part and meaning of national identification, especially in time when the searching for national identity has got a support in the natural, uncontrolled language development and when it respects a past experience. Semantic analysis of vocabulary in dialects of particular Slavonic languages after a complex area elaboration - for instance in the Slavic Linguistic Atlas project - gives a testimony to differentiation as well as integration features of examined items with surrounding language environment. On several illustrative examples, such as 'dedina' (village), 'strom' (tree), 'hora' (forest), the author points out the constants that are permanent identifying features of Slovak language and that, in course of natural development from a supra-dialect sphere in the pre-standard period, have become constituent parts of the contemporary standard Slovak language.
EN
This paper analyzes Slavic equivalents of the words 'lungs' and 'liver' included in the 'General Slavic Linguistic Atlas' (OLA) in relation to dialectal material not included in the Atlas, as well as some additional data coming from contemporary and historical Slavic dictionaries. To facilitate the analysis of the words two synthetic maps have been created. These maps employ uniform technical solutions: they contain captions and identical cartographic signs for the words that occur in both meanings. A juxtaposition of the Slavic words for 'lungs' and 'liver' in the paper is motivated by the fact that some of these words refer both to the lungs and the liver, and they are distinguished only by certain adjectival modifiers, such as 'white' or 'light' referring to the lungs, and 'black' or 'heavy' in reference to the liver. Thus, the words for the lungs are quite uniform in terms of their semantic motivation (the main motivating feature is lightness), but in lexical terms they are quite diversified. Conversely, the words for the liver show a remarkable variation in motivation. Some of them point to the general meaning of an 'internal organ' (e.g. *otroba, *jetra), but in large linguistic areas in the North-East these words are motivated by a culinary tradition (e.g. *pecen'). Comparative material extracted from the sources other than the OLA has made it possible to illustrate shifts in the semantic ranges of many words, in particular the replacement of original Slavic terms by foreign borrowings in South Slavic.
EN
The Greek feminizing suffix -issa developed at the end of the classical period, became frequent in the Hellenistic and Byzantine times, and has been productive up to the present day. C.D. Buck found that its origin is unknown. As his conclusion was shared by some leading classical scholars, the author's aim in this paper is firstly to reexamine the development of the Greek suffix and to follow its extension not only to the Greek dialects, but also to the European languages with the exception of the Slavonic ones. A special attention is paid to the question why it was not accepted by the Slavonic languages.
EN
In western South Slavic (southern and eastern Slovenian, Croatian) sub- and microdialects an accent type which originated through lexical and accentual derivation of nouns ending in the suffix -(jer)je is exhibited by a characteristic paradigm with a long word-final vowel: N sg. -je, G sg. -jâ, etc. The corpus of such nouns , collected from dictionaries and scholarly literature, is manifestly dialectal and clearly dwindling in favor of the paradigms with short-stressed ending or with leftward accent shift and new acute tone, or with the general Stokavian retraction of accent alone. The South Slavic microdialects in question display a more or less evident tendency to morphologize the desinental stress even in the nouns that used to belong to the accentual paradigms A, D and E (e.g. Cro. Cak./Novi kamení, Sln./Prekmurje obiljé). Considering that the word-final vowel length in the South Slavic microdialects cannot be satisfactorily explained by intrinsic South Slavic rules of lengthening, it seems plausible that this phonetic-accentual type is an archaism whose origin dates back to the period when the schwas were weakening. If so, then this type can be connected with its systemic congeners in West Slavic (Czech, Slovak, Polish, Pomeranian). In the West Slavic languages, this paradigmatic type has been treated within the framework of late Proto-Slavic metatony and contraction; in the South Slavic languages, however, primarily within the framework of metatony, owing to the obvious preservation of j. As both of these phenomena are essentially tied to the weakening of the Proto-Slavic schwas, it seems in a purely theoretical scenario quite possible that owing to the different directions in the development of the softness correlation and prosodic devices, the inclusion of the examined nouns into the particular late Proto-Slavic phonological systems depended also the formal differences between the concrete
EN
The words for the thigh have a complex distribution in Slavic. Thus, the word *lęžьka is found mainly in Russia and in the eastern parts of Belarus and Ukraine. The word *stegno is found in a few large and several smaller clusters in the Czech Republic, parts of Slovakia, in a large part of Ukraine and Belarus, in northern Russia, in some areas in Slovenia, Montenegro, and it is scattered in numerous other places. These words make extensive transitional belts along the border between Belorussia and Russia as well as between Ukraine and Russia. In Poland both the variants *udo n and *udъ m are used. In a vast area in Northern Russia the term *χolъka is used. The Turkish borrowings *butъ and *butina occur in a large area in South Slavic. Along the border between Poland and the Czech Republic we find compact, although relatively small areas in which the forms *kyta i *kyto are found, whereas the areas next to the border between Poland and Slovakia use compound forms such as *grubO tělo, *noga vъ grubizně, etc. Moreover, in large areas in Belarus, Ukraine, and Russia we find Lithuanian borrowings. Many of the words for the thigh also refer to other parts of the body, such as the hip (the meanings ‘hip’ and ‘thigh’ are provided by many dictionaries alongside), the hip bone, the kidney, the calf, the shin, the foot or parts of the foot. Many of these words have been recorded in “The General Slavic Linguistic Atlas” (OLA) only in very rare instances, at times only at one point. However, most of them have been referred to in comparative documents other than the OLA.
EN
The core of this article comprises material from The Slavic Linguistic Atlas which will serve to create two separate maps for the 9th volume of the lexical word-formation series of the Atlas entitled Man. The material was gathered according to the Atlas questionnaire and it covers the terms: L 1384 'rot' (mouth) and L 1388 'guby' /N pl/ (lips). The data bears etymological relation close enough to be presented in its entirety, with lexical units of the same origin grouped. The maps of the Atlas allow for a more precise definition of the domains of many linguistic phenomena. Lexemes covering the notions of 'outh' and 'lips' belong to basic vocabulary. Hence, conclusions drawn from etymological and geographical analysis of their differentiation allow - only to a certain degree and in a limited range - to define mutual linguistic relations.
EN
Many identical Slavic words refer to the face and the cheek. The maps included in the article show their geographic distribution. It is often the case that identical words are geographically excluded. Only some of them are sporadically found in the same locations when they carry the same meanings. In East Slavic, the words *licE/'face' and *scEka /'cheek\ have very similar ranges. There are also a lot of words that are not found within distinct aerial borders. A few words that refer to the face have been recorded over a large area, especially in Czech, Polish, Byelorussian, and Ukrainian dialects. They are shown on the map through a layering of surfaces and in some cases, also through layering of cartographic signs. This is particularly visible in an area East of Kiev. Synonyms often differ with respect to their stylistic marking. In literary languages some of them are considered pejorative or even vulgar. This negative stylistic marking is less prominent in dialects, where such words are at times considered to be completely neutral. The historical material illustrates the variation concerning the availability of certain names over time in different locations. Some of the older forms have become bookish and/or formal and now are only used in the literary language whereas some others went out of use completely. It is also worth noting that there have been instances of intra-Slavic borrowing, although there have been rather few of them and they normally express a pejorative meaning.
EN
The article deals with some Slavic dialectal names of plantain ‘Plantago’ which can be assumed as calques from Latin or German. Their Slavic forms seem to be native therefore dialectologists often find them as authentically dialectal words without checking their attestations in the past and doing comparative studies. However, these names have a rich history and a long tradition. They often appear in a number of Slavic languages. They sometimes have a different etymology in various Slavic dialects but they have the same semantic motivation.
EN
The article deals with the problem of chronological interpretation of the Polish-Russian lexical isoglosses, presented on the OLA maps.
Slavica Slovaca
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2007
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vol. 42
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issue 1
49-57
EN
The article deals with a project of analysis of natural development processes of the noun declination in dialects of the Slavic languages in a special volume of the international project - 'Slavic Linguistic Atlas'. The author offers a basic experience from cartographic processing of morpho-phonological and/or morphological items in particular Slavic macro-areas and points out the necessity of the synthetic analysis of the natural development of the noun declination in dialects of the Slavic languages as a starting point of the explanation focused on the nature in morphology.
EN
In Slavic linguistics, it was commonly accepted from the beginning of the 19th century that the oral articulation of Old Church Slavonic nasal vowels didn't differ from the articulation of the oral vowels o and e. This opinion was probably based on the fact that the only language that had retained nasal vowels - the Polish language - had this kind of articulation. It was believed that the Old Church Slavonic language didn't differ much from the Proto-Slavic language, and this articulation was accepted for the reconstruction of the phonology of that language. The vowel jat' (e) was treated as an open e, which in some languages and dialects has developed in certain environments into a (Polish and Bulgarian), in other cases into e (this change operated also as an environmentally unconditioned one in Serbian, Macedonian, Russian and Belarusian), but also into i (in the Ukrainian language and Croatian dialects), into the diphthong ie / je (in Croatian), or has remained a distinct close phoneme ('e' in Sorbian languages). The back nasal vowel has in most of the languages changed into u, but in some of them into o (Slovenian), into a (Bulgarian) and further into a (Macedonian). The front nasal vowel changed into e (in the remaining South Slavic languages) or into a (East Slavic languages, Upper Sorbian and initially Czech and Slovak), whereas in Lower Sorbian it merged with the jat' reflexes. In literary Polish, (after long and short nasal vowels had merged) since the 16th century, we have reflexes articulated as e () and o (). The views concerning the articulation of nasal vowels and jat' begun to change under the influence of G.Y. Shevelov's works (1964), which - based on previous borrowings of Slavic words into non-Slavic languages and vice-versa - marked a significant turning point in views on the phonology of the Late Proto-Slavic period. The dialectal materials (taken mainly form works published in connection to the Slavic Linguistic Atlas - OLA) presented in this paper enable a preliminary revision of the views concerning the realisation of Early Proto-Slavic nasal vowels and diphthongs, from which jat' derived. In nearly the entire South Slavic area, a figures among the reflexes of the front nasal vowel and of jat', which points to the common development of Proto-Slavic front diphthongs (containing i and nasal vowels), and therefore to an open articulation of the initial jat'. Therefore the so called jat' umlaut (in Bulgarian or Polish) is not an umlaut, but the original pronunciation before non-palatal consonants. The parallel development of back diphthongs (containing u as well as and nasal vowels) is even more visible: in case of diphthongs containing u, on the entire area, and where the nasal diphthongs are concerned, covering the great majority of Slavic dialects and languages.
EN
The names of 'hair' from Slavic territories presented herein show a general development tendency, which is removing former multiple synonymic names and establishing one basic name, on certain territories. It can be seen mainly on the example of the root *vols' becoming widely recognized at the cost of another common Slavonic root *kosa. A certain influence on the decline of the root *kosa could have been exerted by the tendency to avoid homonymy with the word *kosa 'tool for mowing' (scythe). On eastern Slavic territories, as well as in Slovenia, in spite of the emergence of a similar tendency, an invariably frequent occurrence of opponent names and forms can be observed. A particular degree of complication can be seen in various plural forms and former collective formations occurring in opposition to the name *vols' and performing the same function.
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