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EN
In 1945, the political finale of WW II, identified by the London émigré circles with the outcome of the Yalta Conference, was recognised as a reason for maintaining the shape devised after September 1939. It also defined a certain approach characterised, on the one hand, by an inclination to perceive in the majority of the aspects of international politics the negative onsequences of the Yalta agreements; on the other hand, it was determined by a willingness to return to the prewar situation, both political and territorial. This reaction towards the aftermath of the war produced political forms and behaviour which rendered impossible all participation in current politics, and hampered contact with the homeland. It also excluded the possibility of the 'Polish London' to exert any impact upon the international position of Poland and the domestic situation.
EN
The image of the first 'post-liberation' year in the life of the town depended to a great extent on the person describing its reality. On the one hand, there were the activists of the Polish Workers' Party and the Polish Committee for National Liberation (PKWN), involved in 'consolidating people's rule'; on the other hand, Home Army soldiers and representatives of the Polish authorities in London trying to fulfil their tasks were punished by deportation to the Soviet Union. During the first months of Soviet military occupation Bialystok was a town of two worlds, one of which, long awaited, was departing together with the hundreds of detained soldiers of the Polish Underground State, while the other, imposed at bayonet point, was spreading in the manner of a noxious weed, systematically depriving the population of all illusions. The yearning for freedom after years of Soviet and German occupation was the reason for attempts, made at all cost, at finding bearings in the new reality, and for succumbing to the new order in the hope of establishing some sort of a golden mean. It soon became apparent that each path proposed by the communists led to new subjugation. In addition, Bialystok experienced national problems; its liberation was perceived quite differently by three section of its population - the Belorussians, the Jewish survivors of the Holocaust, and those Poles who had remained in the town.
EN
A survey on a sample of Polish companies shows that the attitude among Polish exporters towards marketing is generally positive. Most exporters recognise that marketing is needed and it is good for consumers. However, there is also only narrow understanding among companies of marketing as a tool that can increase sales. The attitude towards marketing is better at a general level than it is towards more specific areas of evaluation. The marketing activities companies employ are indeed perceived as effective, but also as aggressive, intrusive, annoying and to invade consumers’ privacy. Exporters critically assess both the level of education of marketers, as well as the competence of persons engaged in marketing. Generally, the attitude of Polish exporters towards marketing does not differ significantly from the attitudes of companies operating mainly in the domestic market.
EN
The study aimed at evaluating of a dialogue as a technique of persuasion.The natural experiments were provided. According to the Elaboration Likelihood Model of Persuasion the way of persuasive communication (dialogue vs monologue) and kinds of the objects of persuasion were manipulated to observe the effects on peripheral attitudes changes and compliance. In two experiments, the dialogue technique appeared to be more effective than monologue one. Particularly, in groups of disadvantaged objects, the difference in attitudes was extremely evident: In dialogue conditions the attitudes were more favorable towards the 'suspicious' objects and more congruent with agitators' opinions than in monologue conditions. The rule of friendship is likely to be the potential mechanism of the observed efficiency of the dialogue.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2008
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vol. 63
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issue 7
619-624
EN
The connection between art and philosophy is presented in the essay on two levels. On one hand they are conceived as two parallel and autonomous attitudes (as in the analyses of E. Husserl), on the other hand there is a possibility of their intertwining (as in the texts of M. Henry). Both directions are based on phenomenology and focus on the problem of 'life' and 'praxis'. A. Giacometti's and W. Kandinsky's views on art serve as the background of the philosophical analysis.
EN
There has not been enough attention given to the topic of social security in Slovak psychological research; although the state of social protection, legal aspects of social security or themes of social services, social policy and social care are well described by economists, sociologists, lawyers or social workers. The article provides an overview of the current knowledge of social security attitudes as attitudes have been a research topic of social psychology for a long time. This review is divided into four main parts. Firstly, a brief description of the social security system in the Slovak Republic is provided. Secondly, the paper describes and summarizes different types of welfare states in the context of chosen typologies. It begins with the typology of Esping-Andersen (1990), Leibfried, (1992), Ferrera (1996), and Bonoli (1997) and continues with recent research that lead to the question about numbers and different types of welfare states e.g. Arts and Gellisen (2001) or Gryaznova (2013). Thirdly, the definition of social security attitudes in relation to Fishbein´s and Ajzen´s theory is presented. The possibility of categorizing welfare attitudes into three levels, according to the degree of generality, is outlined. Finally, the results of research on determinants of social security attitudes carried out are described. The large amount of research is built on survey databases such as the European Social Survey or International Social Survey Program. In conclusion, the comparison of European countries gave an answer to the question: “Who is more supportive?” The highest support for social security benefits and services is in Scandinavian countries operating a social democratic regime.
EN
On the eve of 1945 Poles comprised more than 60% of the population of Lvov. The town was the site of an active Polish pro–independence underground movement, and several conspiracy periodicals were issued on a regular basis. Already in 1944 the Soviet authorities intended to force a majority of the Poles to leave westward, beyond the Curzon Line and the new eastern Polish frontier. Migration was to be provoked by the increasingly harsh policy applied towards the Polish population, i. a. a more ruthless army conscription and a restriction of the right to use the Polish language. In 1944 and 1945 the Poles of Lvov were well aware of the provisional nature of an existence marked by the awaiting of unavoidable changes. The conviction that liberation from Nazi occupation could signify only a brief change of the occupant was universal . The war went on, and for many Poles it did not end either in July 1944 or even in May or September 1945. In a local dimension, it was still being waged by deciding to remain 'home' as long as possible, 'to the very limits'. Its true finale was to bring a new peacetime order restoring the status quo ante bellum. In 1945, this belief in a better tomorrow, which made it possible to survive 22 months 'of the first Soviet period' and German triumphs, was put to the harshest test. In a letter written to his family in December 1945 a resident of Lvov described in a few sentences the atmosphere which the Poles were compelled to suffer: 'Wartime and even air raids were much better - at least something tangible transpired, some sort of changes followed, stirring hope and brighter thoughts - now there is nothing. All is quiet, ominous and hopeless'.
EN
The article presents the analysis of research on the visions of the existing social order that were forming among the citizens of Warsaw in the period preceding the outburst of open social conflict in the 1980s. The author distinguishes five types of these visions: 'optimistic', 'permissive', 'indifferent', 'reformist' and 'radical'. The differentiation of these visions depending on different position in social structure of the individuals who voice them (such as their professional occupation, level of education, place of work, economic standing, social background, belonging to social organizations, membership in political organizations and attitudes to religion) forms the central analytical problem of the article. The analysis aims at finding out, which features of social position favor particular types of visions of existing social order. The patterns of dependencies derived from multivariate analysis are far from being clear-cut, however, which leads the author to suggesting that position in social structure cannot be sole predictor of attitudes to existing social order and perhaps other factors (i.e. cultural ones) have to be included in the analysis.
EN
The article describes a variety of factors determining taxpayers willingness to pay taxes. External, referred to economic variables (e.g. tax rates, income), and internal, related to psychological features (e.g. knowledge, motivational postures), factors are distinguished. Particularly, the relation between the level of economic knowledge and attitudes toward taxation is discussed.
EN
The Germanic tribes which lived on the both banks of the Rhine in the first century CE had different experiences with the Roman empire, and often, they were not entirely sure which attitude toward Rome they should adopt: whether unambiguously positive or negative. Their ambivalent attitudes were thus characterized by the symptomatic hatred directed toward the Roman occupation of the Germanic territory on the one hand, and by the awe before the Roman authorities on the other.
EN
The object of the analysis requires outlining a more extensive exposition as well as rendering several issues more precise. The authoress examined the question of a Polish minority existing 'here and now', in a concrete geographic space; the well-enrooted indigenous population possessed its own historical and regional traditions, and was involved in complicated relations with other nationalities, particularly the Lithuanians, for whom Vilno (Wilno, Vilnius) and its environments remained the object of years-long controversies with the Poles. The chronological boundaries of this sketch are the years 1944-1945. The situation in which the Lithuanian state found itself produced qualitatively new circumstances for the Polish minority, different from the ones which had prevailed since 1939. During this period, Vilno changed its state affiliation upon a number of occasions. It remained the capital of Lithuania for not quite a year, and subsequently was incorporated into the Soviet Union; in the years 1941-1944 it was occupied by the Nazis and then once again became the capital of a Soviet republic. Memory about the Polish past was gradually limited, and assumed 'local' and 'native' qualities. By retaining its language and oral tradition it became a regional 'Polishness' , encompassing customs, songs, and narrated 'stories'. Hence the predominant element consolidating tradition was embedded in individual and collective memory; it was also transmitted in individual and collective memory. This type of cultural behaviour was, basically speaking, passive and defensive, and favoured the relative stability of the number of Poles in Lithuania. Another conducive circumstance was the existence of schools (elementary and secondary) with Polish as the language of instruction. Regardless of the 'curricula adapted to' Soviet needs, they influenced the retention of certain rudimentary components of 'high culture'. The promoted initiatives and ventures favoured both the preservation of old 'codes' of tradition and their expansion. Undertaken in difficult and unfavourable conditions, they passed the test of time.
EN
Compared to other areas of psychology, social cognition is somewhat indifferent to the role played by self-interest. In this paper we present a thesis that self-interest is a prominent factor shaping interpersonal perceptions and attitudes. We review several research lines showing the dominance of moral information in person perception and the dominance of competence-related information in self-perception. This research provides indirect support for the idea that self-interest strongly influences person (and self-) perception processes. We also discuss research showing directly the strong influence of self-interest considerations on interpersonal attitudes and liking as well as on more descriptive perceptions including moral judgments.
EN
A paper is a presentation of the attitudes demonstrated by the first Polish inhabitants of Wroclaw soon after the end of the wartime hostilities, together with assorted problems and dilemmas associated with settling down in a new place of residence. The author described the various stances of the Polish newcomers, both those interested in rapid material gains and those who perceived moving to Wroclaw as an opportunity for starting a new life. The article also considers the impact exerted upon the Polish residents by living conditions in a city which was gradually becoming Polish, fears and attempts to quickly alter the very character of the town, growing familiarity with Wroclaw and its successive transformation into a Polish urban centre, as well as an awareness of the ensuing changes. The author wrote about the conduct of the Germans and their role in a town which was slowly assuming a new national character.
EN
The aim of this paper is to analyze the opinions of the Slovak population on immigrants based on data available through Eurobarometer 88.2 (2017). We deal with the opinions on legal immigrants as a part of our research. According to Eurobarometer 88.2 (2017), immigrants are people born outside of the European Union, who left their home country and currently legally reside in Slovakia. Official statistics show that most immigrants from outside the EU who are in Slovakia legally come from Ukraine, Russia, the United States of America, Vietnam and Serbia. According to the results of research on public attitudes towards migration (2019) of the International Organization for Migration, the Slovak population has relatively little personal experience and knowledge of immigrants. The paper offers space for reflections and research topics within the Slovak Republic (for example, what causes the differences in opinions between West and Eastern Slovakia).
EN
We use data from the European Social Survey (ESS) Rounds 1-7 to investigate the relationship between trust in people and attitudes towards immigrants and immigration. Our analysis is based on large longitudinal comparative survey data (ESS), where the immigrant attitudes are operationalized by two groups of items: the attitude toward immigrants and the attitude toward immigration. We constructed a structural equations model comprised of three intercorrelated latent variables. Each latent variable was supported by three items from the ESS questionnaire. The results show that the questions in the ESS questionnaire that targeted respective attitudes and values (immigrants, immigration and trust) are consistent and that each triplet measures a common underlying factor. Our analysis shows that although correlation signs and strengths are consistent among people in various countries, significant differences remain in terms of how strongly trust in people and attitudes towards immigrants and immigration are correlated. We can hypothesize that immigration is not perceived as emotionally in the countries that joined later (most of the data have been collected before the current migration crisis); therefore, the fear of immigrants may not be as intense, and the correlation with the underlying factor of feeling secure is not as high.
EN
The article is a critique of the approaches in Polish sociology at the turn of 1980s that attempt to study social consciousness through social structure. These approaches are coined 'social structure and attitudes' by the author. He claims that these approaches do not allow reconciling the research on the role of social actor with the analysis of wider trends of society writ large. This results in the inability to account for the mechanisms of social change. The existing approaches describe social structure in Poland as passive and incapable of shaping culture. They do not explain what are the mechanisms linking attitudes and social structure. Referring to Weber's sociology, the author suggests that the crystallization of ethos groups in Polish society can be recognized as one of the structuring processes. Taking several exemplary ethos groups (Catholics, counter-culture movements and democratic opposition) as an example, the author considers their potential role in the process of social change.
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EN
Following text presents some findings concerning the civic culture in the Czech Republic based on results of a special survey conducted in August of 2009 as a part of international comparative research project commemorating the 50th anniversary of realization of G. A. Almond's and S. Verba's original survey and their classic study The Civic Culture: Attitudes and Perception of Democracy in Five Nations. Using data from continuous public opinion surveys the text also tries briefly to outline the development of civic culture in Czech countries during last two decades after fall of communist regime in 1989.
18
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Postoje k výpůjčkám v soudobé češtině

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EN
This article uses empirical data to evaluate Czech perceptions of lexical borrowing, based on a nationwide poll conducted in November 2005 by the Public Opinion Research Centre of the Institute of Sociology of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic. The survey combines synchronic and diachronic perspectives, and is the first major study of its kind since Tejnor, October 1970. It broadly concludes that most Czechs accept functionally necessary loanwords, but feel that their language contains a surfeit of peripheral foreign terms, which are used too frequently and somewhat inappropriately. Resistance to lexical innovation from other languages is especially strong amongst the elderly (particularly men) and the less well educated.
EN
The attitudes prevailing among Polish settlers in the titular region were conditioned by the international situation - primarily by uncertainty as regards the stability of the western frontier, as well as difficult relations with the Red Army and the deported Germans - and domestic issues (political rivalry between the Polish Workers' Party and the Polish Peasant Party, security, communication and supplies). Settlers from Central Poland (over a half of the Polish population in 1947) were more inclined to accept Soviet domination, while arrivals from beyond the Bug not only cultivated memories of incurred suffering but feared the consequences of the Soviet military presence in Western Pomerania. So-called 'szaber' (plunder of former German property), banditry among Red Army marauders, and outright disastrous supplies proved to be an outright plague of 1945. The relations between the settlers and the administrative authorities of the region remained relatively correct thanks to the professional approach of the team working for the first voivode - Leonard Borkowicz, and the first president of Szczecin - Piotr Zaremba. The local community did not identify state administration with the political apparatus, and especially with the security police. A relevant role in the settlement process was played by the Catholic Church. At the time, the official authorities were not interested in conducting a battle against the Church, and appreciated its pro-integration functions. Conflicts between settlers were caused by material reasons, but did not achieve a more universal dimension nor hampered the Polonisation of the region. The almost two-years long Polish presence in the region of Western Pomerania - discussed also in the context of the then emergent social moods - could be regarded as a success and a synthesis of the opportunities and necessities generated by that particular period in history.
EN
Although the Czech Republic has experienced an unprecedented rise of anti-establishment political parties in recent decades, a systematic examination of anti-establishment attitudes among the public is still missing from the scholarly literature. This paper tests different explanation for anti-establishment attitudes among the voting population. It is working with the concepts of anti-political establishment parties, populism, and taking into account the specific national context. Using original data from the 2017 Czech National Election Study (N = 919), we show that anti-establishment attitudes among the Czech public stem from feelings of low political efficacy, the perceived salience of corruption, and anti-immigration attitudes. These results demonstrate that researchers need to consider contextual specifics, including the nature of diverse anti-establishment actors, when searching for the causes of anti-establishment attitudes in a particular country or region.
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