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EN
This article show's life of father Agathon and his work for the monophisitic Church of Alexandria in the history background of he’s times. Agathon was a head of monophisitic Church of Egypt. He went in patriarch’s throne in 661. Agathon was a second patriarch, after Benjamin I (622-661), who reigned under Muslim domination in Egypt. Agathon continued efforts of he’s predecessor in rebuilding and consolidation of monophisitic Church of Alexandria. This patriarch, like his predecessor, was a monk. He had educated in Sancti Macarius monastery. Eighteen patriarchs of Egypt came from this monastery. As disciple of this monastery Agathon have expanded it so numbers of monks have increased.
EN
In the Symposium, there are two revelations: one is that of the woman of Mantinea, the other that of Alcibiades. The former (201d 1–212e 3) proposes a Socrates reshaped by Plato, but what Socrates does the latter (216a 6–217a 3) express? Can the praise for Socrates contained in the latter also be considered a tribute by Plato to his teacher? The opinions are divided. I looked at two scholars: Michel Narcy (2008) and Bruno Centrone (20142), whose judgments, as they are set out and argued, are irreconcilable. The contrast may be determined by a certain ambiguity in Plato’s attitude towards Alcibiades. Part One – In order to clarify this ambiguity and to overcome the contrast between the two scholars I have tried to show how in the praise of Alcibiades there overlap different portraits of Socrates that refer to the tradition, to different experiences of various Socratics and of Plato himself in Apologia, and how this differs from the others and from himself by proposing a whole new portrait of Socrates as a representative of an Eros megas daimōn, revealed by the woman of Mantinea, in contrast to an Eros megas theos. Part Two – As instead regards the accusation of hybris, the hypothesis is this: for Plato his colleagues, and especially Antisthenes and Xenophon, offering an image of Socrates founded exclusively on his way of life and not also on the erotic aspects alluding to the super-sensible world, seem to end up arousing laughter and looking like “fools” (nēpioi), like Alcibiades, who at the end of his speech, after making the audience laugh, is unmasked by Socrates for his clumsy attempt to impart a “life lesson” to Agathon, which he did not need at all, paying at his own expenses for his ignorance of the revelation through arriving late at the party.
IT
In the Symposium, there are two revelations: one is that of the woman of Mantinea, the other that of Alcibiades. The former (201d 1–212e 3) proposes a Socrates reshaped by Plato, but what Socrates does the latter (216a 6–217a 3) express? Can the praise for Socrates contained in the latter also be considered a tribute by Plato to his teacher? The opinions are divided. I looked at two scholars: Michel Narcy (2008) and Bruno Centrone (20142 ), whose judgments, as they are set out and argued, are irreconcilable. The contrast may be determined by a certain ambiguity in Plato’s attitude towards Alcibiades. Part One – In order to clarify this ambiguity and to overcome the contrast between the two scholars I have tried to show how in the praise of Alcibiades there overlap different portraits of Socrates that refer to the tradition, to different experiences of various Socratics and of Plato himself in Apologia, and how this differs from the others and from himself by proposing a whole new portrait of Socrates as a representative of an Eros megas daimōn, revealed by the woman of Mantinea, in contrast to an Eros megas theos. Part Two – As instead regards the accusation of hybris, the hypothesis is this: for Plato his colleagues, and especially Antisthenes and Xenophon, offering an image of Socrates founded exclusively on his way of life and not also on the erotic aspects alluding to the supersensible world, seem to end up arousing laughter and looking like “fools” (nēpioi), like Alcibiades, who at the end of his speech, after making the audience laugh, is unmasked by Socrates for his clumsy attempt to impart a “life lesson” to Agathon, which he did not need at all, paying at his own expenses for his ignorance of the revelation through arriving late at the party.
Vox Patrum
|
2018
|
vol. 69
707-719
EN
This article presents the role of the bishops of Rome in the resolution of three doctrinal disputes (nestorianism, monophysitism, monothelitism) that hit the community of the Church between the 5th and the 7th centuries. Both the teaching of Nestorius and Eutyches were unequivocally condemned by the contemporary bishops of Rome, respectively Celestine and Leon the Great. Their teachings were confirmed by the general councils of Ephesus (431) and Chalcedon (451). Solving the problem of monothelitism has caused even more difficulties to the Holy See because of the attitude of Honorius I, who supported the erroneous teaching of the Patriarch of Constantinople, Sergei. Thus, the work discusses the actions of the subsequent bishops of Rome (especially John IV, Theodore, Martin I and Agathon) for restoring orthodoxy, which resulted in the adoption of resolutions condemning monothelitism by the Third Council of Constantinople (680-681). The article was primarily written on the basis of the preserved correspondence between heresiarchs and the bishops of Rome, the bishops of Rome and the em­perors, as well as the resolutions of synods and councils.
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