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EN
The Greek Phyllada and the Old Serbian Alexander RomanceThe texts presents chosen fragments of the Greek "Phyllada", or the story about Alexander the Great, and its Polish translation, with an introduction commenting the relation between the Greek and Serbian version of Alexader's gesta.
EN
The paper includes a short introduction and four excerpts from the Old Serbian Alexander Romance translated into Polish by Maciej Falski. Tekst zawiera krótką prezentację zagadnienia filiacji Opowieści o Aleksandrze w bałkańskiej przestrzeni kulturowej oraz przekład fragmentów tzw. Serbskiej Aleksandreidy na język polski.
3
88%
Electrum
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2012
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vol. 19
131–135
EN
This paper deals with a famous passage by Theopompus concerning the hetairoi of Philip II. Athenaeus, one of the three authors who transmitted this fragment to us, states that Philip had 800 hetairoi in 339, which seems to be too low a number for the last years of the reign. In search of a solution which would match Athenaeus’ quotation from Theopompus with other data about Macedonian cavalry under Philip and Alexander, I consider a textual corruption in Athenaeus.
EN
A Few Observations on the Distinctive Features of the Greek CultureThe article is devoted to one of the most interesting features of the Greek culture in antiquity, namely for an almost total insensitivity of the Hellenes to sounds and colours of any other language. It is no coincidence that the once-non-pejorative word βάρβαρος over time acquired its current meaning of ‘barbaric/barbarian’, shared by probably all modern languages which take inspiration from classical antiquity. The Greeks, however, were not racist in the contemporary meaning of the word: regardless of origin, (s)he who takes the Hellenic culture, and above all language, for his/her own, becomes Greek. We may find an excellent illustration of this in the life and fortunes of Lucian of Samosata. The spreading of Greek culture to the entire Mediterranean and further east – as a consequence of the conquests of Alexander the Great – brought with it the appearance of a new type of books written in Greek and for Greeks. These works presented the rich, and often ancient, heritage of the cultures and peoples subjugated by Hellenic expansion. And although their authors were ‘barbarians’, it was essential that the books themselves be written in Greek. This was so not only because the Hellenes would not understand them otherwise, but probably also due to the fact that it was only the Hellenes who could be considered bearers of the ideal, of kalòs kẚgathós, the notion – fundamental to Greek competitive culture – combining moral goodness, righteousness of the spirit and beauty and vigour of the body (often backed by material wealth). However, despite its exclusivity, Greek culture was capable of both attracting others and adapting to them: as is best proven by the history of European culture.Kilka luźnych uwag co do specyfiki greckiej kulturyArtykuł jest poświęcony jednej z najbardziej charakterystycznych cech starożytnej kultury greckiej – brakowi umiejętności Hellenów do zauważenia piękna i kolorytu języków innych niż grecki. Nie jest przypadkiem, że βάρβαρος 'barbarzyńca/barbarzyński' – słowo pierwotnie pozbawione negatywnych konotacji – z biegiem czasu nabrało takiego znaczenia, które jest obecne zapewne we wszystkich nowożytnych językach, czerpiących z antyku klasycznego. Nie wynika to jednak z rasizmu – Grecy akceptują i uznają za swoich innych, o ile przejmą oni grecką kulturę i oczywiście język; klasycznym przykładem jest Lukian z Samosat. Rozszerzenie się kultury greckiej na cały obszar basenu Morza Śródziemnego i dalej na wschód – konsekwencja podbojów Aleksandra Wielkiego – przynosi pojawienie się książek pisanych po grecku i przeznaczonych dla Greków. Pokazują one dorobek kultur i ludów podporządkowanych przez Greków. Choć pisane przez 'barbarzyńców' książki te muszą być po grecku – Helleni nie zrozumieją inaczej. Zapewne wynika to z faktu, że tylko Helleni mogą być uznani za nośnik ideału – pojęcia kalokagathii, fundamentalnego dla greckiej kultury współzawodnictwa, połączenia moralnego dobra, szlachetności ducha, cielesnego piękna i tężyzny (nierzadko wspartego majątkiem). Kultura grecka – mimo swej ekskluzywności – potrafiła jednak przyciągać innych i do innych się przystosowywać: dzieje kultury europejskiej są tego najlepszym dowodem.
PL
It is well known that for Alexander the Great the Persian dynast Cyrus (559–530 BC) was an object of imitation; there was a tradition in antiquity that Alexander was “fond of Cyrus” (φιλόκυρος; philokyros). The purpose of this paper is to examine what kind of imitation it actually was, and how serious Alexander’s following of the Persian ruler was: did the famous Cyropaedia (The Education of Cyrus), a Greek tale of the Achaemenid king, play an important role as a source in Alexander’s calculations and actions or in his notions of how his own kingdom would look? It is argued that in this case the influence of Xenophon’s major work must have been intense, but that one should not seek it everywhere when examining Alexander’s expedition, or to understand such influence too literally, though there were a few cases where Alexander seems to have purposefully and publicly emphasised his close connection to Cyrus.
EN
It is well known that for Alexander the Great the Persian dynast Cyrus (559–530 BC) was an object of imitation; there was a tradition in antiquity that Alexander was “fond of Cyrus” (φιλόκυρος; philokyros). The purpose of this paper is to examine what kind of imitation it actually was, and how serious Alexander’s following of the Persian ruler was: did the famous Cyropaedia (The Education of Cyrus), a Greek tale of the Achaemenid king, play an important role as a source in Alexander’s calculations and actions or in his notions of how his own kingdom would look? It is argued that in this case the influence of Xenophon’s major work must have been intense, but that one should not seek it everywhere when examining Alexander’s expedition, or to understand such influence too literally, though there were a few cases where Alexander seems to have purposefully and publicly emphasised his close connection to Cyrus.
EN
The paper is an analysis of the scene in Ant. XI, 8: the supposed meeting between Alexander the Great and the Jewish High Priest, revealing Alexander’s special status as a chosen of God. The analysis concentrates on two issues: the literary character of the description and the problem of Alexander’s kingship as presented in Jewish literature.
EN
The present paper concentrates on the character of Plutarch’s Alexander and his idealized Greek traits as visible in one particular set of Plutarch’s stories: the narratives on the childhood and youth of Alexander, presented in Vita Alexandri. By presenting him as a Greek hero, with a number of typically heroic and typically Hellenic features, Plutarch transforms the image of the Macedonian king, creating a model for his audience to identify as an embodiment of Greek greatness. While the portrait of Alexander in Plutarch’s Life of Alexander is rather nuanced and not entirely positive (see, for example, his behaviour in the East), Plutarch seems, in the stories of Alexander’s childhood, to be carefully presenting him as a perfect Greek model of a hero and a future leader.
Studia Hercynia
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2021
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vol. 25
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issue 1
34-47
EN
The present paper examines written sources pertinent to Alexander the Great’s expedition in Bactria and Sogdiana. It focuses on the impact of the military campaigns on the local inhabitants in four interconnected fields of human activity (military, political, urban, and administrative) and addresses their responses to the invading army. It argues that Alexander’s military activities took place not in Bactria-Sogdiana as a whole, but rather in specific Sogdian territories, inflicting heavy casualties in the process. It proposes that Alexander’s decision to appoint Artabazus as satrap disrupted the political status quo, forcing a Sogdian faction to rebel and that his alliance with another local faction was crucial for pacifying the region. Comparing the available textual and archaeological evidence regarding the settlements of Bactria-Sogdiana in the 320s BC it assess that Alexander’s city building activity was limited. Lastly, the majority of the local population seems to have accepted the regime change.
Studia Hercynia
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2021
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vol. 25
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issue 2
64-95
EN
This article brings an up -to -date evaluation of the archaeological research in the core of the Bactro -Sogdian borderlands, i.e., in the vicinity of the Darband Wall, Baysun District, southern Uzbekistan, including the most recent results of the fieldwork of the Czech -Uzbek archaeological expedition. These are combined with the fruits of the efforts of other local and international teams busy in this region for the last twenty years in a spatiotemporal assessment. Building upon the lack of evidence, the author argues against the identification of the selected locations in the region as places where the events connected with the invasion of Alexander the Great took place. We also show that the area of the Baysun District including Darband was for the first time in history settled in the Seleucid / Greco -Bactrian period. The original function of the Darband Wall itself was most probably related to an event preceding the campaign of Antiochos III to Bactria and the presumed threat of nomads.
EN
The political past of the area of Azerbaijan from ancient times to the first half of the 19th century formed part of the history of the Middle East. It was its integral part and people who have lived there partly shaped the culture and civilization of the region. Just like the other of its inhabitants, they experienced the invasion and conquest carried out by the army of Alexander the Great, the Persians, Arabs, Seljuk Turks and Mongols. Russian occupation of the northern part of Azerbaijan in the first half of nineteenth century was the beginning of separation of the country from the area which its created its identity.
PL
Izokrates w swym Liście do Aleksandra rekomenduje jeden z dwóch modeli kształcenia, jakie przedstawia, inny natomiast uznaje za pośledniejszy. Problem stanowi to, przeciw komu zwraca się, oceniając jako mniej wartą dydaktykę opierającą się na prowadzeniu sporów (τὴν περὶ τὰς ἔριδας), czyli erystyczną. Autor artykułu występuje przeciw ogólnie przyjętej interpretacji listu, w myśl której krytyczny sąd Izokratesa skierowany jest przeciwko uprawianemu w Akademii erystycznemu modelowi kształcenia, jaki ma stosować Arystoteles sprawujący opiekę pedagogiczną nad Aleksandrem, a niska ocena tego programu jest głosem w rozgrywce między Izokratesem a Platonem – konkurentami na polu kształcenia młodzieży. Przedstawiony materiał pozwala na stwierdzenie, że zarówno Izokrates, który dość starannie rozgranicza „filozofię” erystyczną oraz nauki, jakie uprawiają akademicy, jak też sam Platon odżegnujący się od wszelkiej erystyki, nie dają swymi deklaracjami żadnych podstaw ku temu, by utożsamiać kształcenie akademickie z erystyką, może natomiast utożsamiać się z nią w jakiejś mierze to, co jako dydaktyk oferuje młodemu Aleksandrowi Arystoteles. Arystoteles bowiem, po odejściu z Akademii, realizuje własny już program pajdeutyczny, na który poza przygotowaniem ogólnym, również bliskim Izokratesowi przygotowaniem retorycznym, składa się także owa umiejętność wygrywania sporów. Zarówno przygana, jak i aprobata wobec określonej linii kształcenia, wyrażane w Liście do Aleksandra, odnoszą się wobec powyższego do programu nauczania, jaki realizuje Arystoteles, a zalecany przyszłemu władcy wybór dotyczy jedynie pewnych ”wewnętrznych” preferencji i orientacji w tym szerokim zakresie materiałowym.
EN
In his letter to Alexander Isocrates presents and speaks in favour of one of two educational models, considering inferior the one he does not advocate for. Against whom he directs his critical evaluation of eristic didactics based on the art of disputation (τὴν περὶ τὰς ἔριδας) is the issue to discuss. The author of this article argues against the common interpretation of the letter, according to which Isocrates expresses his negative opinion on the eristic pedagogy of Platonic Academy, that is applied by Aristotle, the teacher of Alexander, as his educational model. The material as presented in the article leads to the conclusion that both critisism and approval of a certain educational model found in the letter to Alexander may be referred to Aristotle’s teaching program, while the choice recommended to the future ruler concerns only some ‘internal’ preferences and the general knowledge in the subject.
EN
The chief protagonist in the fragments of the Old Czech Alexandreida is usually interpreted as a hero embodying the virtues of a sovereign. This study offers an alternative reading in a comparison with Gautier de Châtillon’s Alexandreida and Ulrich von Etzenbach’s Alexander. The passages set in Troy, Jerusalem and Libya show that the Old Bohemian Alexander rises high only to fall again. This fall is not brought about by any prideful intemperance, as in other versions, but takes the form of a betrayal of the sovereign ruler, the Lord, which mirrors the betrayal to which succumbed Alexander’s father Philip and is underpinned by the fickleness of Alexander’s gigantesque heart.
EN
Reading Plutarch of Chaeronea: A Cinematic Portrait of the Youth of Alexander the Great as Envisaged by Robert Rossen and Oliver Stone This article is a study of the dynamics of interaction between historiography and “historiophoty” i.e. between a historical source – Plutarch’s Life of Alexander – and two epic films: R. Rossen’s Alexander Th e Great (1956) and O. Stone’s Alexander (2004). The authors of this study were interested in the cinematographic treatment of the legends, and so-called “historical truths” surrounding the birth, childhood, and early youth (boyhood or teenage years) of Alexander.
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