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Usli. Na prahu říše boha Amona

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Bárta M., Turek J.

Pražské egyptologické studie (Prague Egyptological Studies)

2015

issue 14

104-114

The Czech Institute of Egyptology exploration of the archaeological site at Usli came to its fifth season. The site is becoming an important stone in the overall mosaic of the ancient history of the Sudan. The seasons 2014 and 2015 focus - ed on the New Kingdom Temple No. 1 and on the Kushite Palatial Complex including Temple No. 3 and a large circular structure discovered by the 2013 geophys ical survey. The overall length of Temple No. 1 was at the minimum of 40 metres, with its width equating to at least 17.50 metres. The temple was oriented from south-east (front part, entrance) to north-west (rear part), i.e. with the entrance away from the Nile just as in the case of the small brick temple detected further north-west of Temple No. 1. The Sandstone Temple consisted of (at least) one columned court featuring four columns along the shorter and six along the longer walls; of the excavated column bases, more than one half was uncovered in situ. Further, there was a pronaos featuring four columns. This gave way to three sanctuaries (or a triple sanctuary) located at the very rear side of the structure. The 2014 field campaign confirmed the poor state of preservation of this mon ument. In general, the above-ground part of the structure has been entirely eroded and quarried away; the small fragments bearing remains of the original decoration are unfortunately insufficient to study the original decoration motives or to ascertain which deities were actually worshipped in the temple’s sanctuaries. The fact that the structure was of high importance is indicated by the 2009 discovery of a royal statue (Bárta et al. 2013a) and by the presence of numerous fragments of gold foil discovered in 2014. Some important data were acquired from the 2015 spring campaign at Usli. First, considering the large rightangled structure located to the south of the main “palace” building. Its size, sandstone column bases and perfect layout of the sandstone pavement suggest it was a building of a higher status. The discovery of wall paintings creates an extraordinary context that is probably connected to a religious function of the building. The current hypothesis is that this structure might have been a temple servicing the main “palace”. Paintings were originally covering the whole interior surface of the walls of this structure designated as Temple No. 3. The presumption of contemporaneity between Temple No. 3 and the main “palace” building seems to be support - ed by the existence of an outside pavement that we tentatively interpret as a paved courtyard. The “courtyard” pave ment covers almost the whole area between Temple No. 3 and the main “palace” building. The area between these two buildings was later cut by a large circular structure. The circular structure is clearly cutting into the wall of Temple No. 3. The possible functional interpretation of the large circular feature (11 meters in diameter) is that it was a large well. Final chronological consideration will be possible after the comparison of relevant radiocarbon dates and evidence of scarce finds of pottery (Napatan, Meroitic ceramics) and stylistic examination of wall paintings.

Moncu – válečník v době 18. dynastie

100%

Šichan D.

Pražské egyptologické studie (Prague Egyptological Studies)

2019

issue 22

81-94

The article deals with the role of the warlike god Montu within the framework of the power ideology of Eighteenth Dynasty rulers based on the interpretation of written as well as iconographic sources. According to the author, the preserved testimony calls for a more detailed evaluation of Montu’s position as a warlike deity in close connection with the military enterprises of Eighteenth Dynasty rulers. The current combat character of Montu acquires a new dimension, which logically derives from the New Kingdom warfare. Although the direct references to Montu as a combative deity are surprisingly not numerous for the discussed period, these examples provide clear evidence of the unprecedentedly varied expression apparatus in written and iconographic form relating to this god. In this respect, the Eighteenth Dynasty represents an imaginery peak which later undoubtedly served as an inspirational source for the expressive means, not only in the case of Montu. The sovereign as a warrior no longer accepts passively the abilities of the deity but becomes Montu himself. The cultic and ideological interaction between Montu and the dynastic god Amun is also discussed which directly leads to effort to adequately describe their common features and, above all, to emphasize the differences in capturing their militant qualities. Moreover, the author contemplates the possible impact of the cult of Montu’s bull in Armant, Tod, Medamud and Waset on the development of the royal titulary at the very beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty (the appearance of the new element kA nxt, “the winning bull”, in the Horus name). Remarkable is the absence of Montu’s combative role in textual as well as iconographic sources concerning the first five rulers of the Dynasty (from Ahmose II to Hatshepsut). It is the question whether this new element in the titulary of these monarchs, who were very active militarily, did not reflect the aforementioned cult of the bull in some way and if the worship of Montu’s warlike character figuratively adverts to their actually waged wars.

Text se pokouší přiblížit jedinečnou úlohu boha Moncua v rámci mocenské ideologie panovníků 18. dynastie. Z písemných a ikonografických pramenů vyplývá, že v souvislosti s přelomovou zahraniční politikou, doprovázenou zaznamenanými válečnými operacemi, nebývale vzrostl válečnický význam Moncua a to především z hlediska jeho vnímání v rámci panovnické ideologie a propagandy. Ačkoliv přímé odkazy na bojovného Moncua nejsou v daném kontextu pro pojednávané období překvapivě početné, přesto podávají jednoznačné svědectví o nebývale pestrém výrazovém aparátu v písemné a ikonografické podobě, který se k válečnickému Moncuovi vztahuje. 18. dynastie v tomto směru představuje pomyslný vrchol, který později nepochybně sloužil jako inspirativní zdroj vyjadřovacích prostředků, a to nejen v případě Moncua. Na základě pramenné analýzy lze konstatovat, že dosavadní bojovný aspekt božstva byl značně rozvinut a že nově pojímaný Moncu je v podstatě logickým výsledkem novoříšského válečnictví. Panovník na bitevním poli či na tažení již nepřijímá pouze pasivně schopnosti bojovného božstva, nýbrž se stává aktivně jednajícím samotným Moncuem. Autor se vzhledem k výše uvedenému také zamýšlí nad komparací rolí Moncua a dynastického boha Amona coby božstev s obsahově analogickými bojovnými aspekty a pokouší se pojmenovat jejich společné rysy a především zdůraznit odlišnosti v zachycení jejich bojovných vlastností. V závěru je v hypotetické rovině načrtnuta (doposud archeologicky přímo neprokázaná) možnost vlivu kultu býka jakožto Moncuovy animální pozemské personifikace, existujícího v jeho kultovních centrech v Armantu, Tódu, Medamúdu a Vesetu, na vznik nového prvku v Horově jméně na počátku 18. dynastie (kA nxt, „vítězný býk“). Nápadná je také dosavadní absence textových a ikonografických odkazů k válečnickému Moncuovi u prvních vládců 18. dynastie. V této souvislosti je otázkou, zdali v případě těchto panovníků, kteří byli vojensky velmi činorodí, nově přijatý element v panovnické titulatuře nějakým způsobem nereflektoval zmíněný kult býka a přeneseně také uctívání Moncuova bojovného charakteru.

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2 Pražské egyptologické studie (Prague Egyptological Studies)

1 Bárta M.

1 Turek J.

1 Šichan D.

1 2019

1 2015

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Usli. Na prahu říše boha Amona

Moncu – válečník v době 18. dynastie