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1
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O mniej znanych kontrowersjach prawnych związanych z przyjęciem Konstytucji kwietniowej z 1935 r.

100%
Kierończyk P.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2015
|
issue 2(127)
51-64
EN
The author discusses the problems associated with legal irregularities accompanied by the adoption of the “April Constitution”. Paying particular attention to the fact that, in accordance with Art. 125 of its predecessor — the “March Constitution” — passing the new constitution, rather than the amendment of the former one were dubious. The article also raised the issue of the controversial limiting the autonomy of Silesia by the 1935 Constitution.
2
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Wymiar sprawiedliwości w świetle Konstytucji kwietniowej w okresie II wojny światowej

80%
Banaszak B., Kulka G.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2015
|
issue 2(127)
64-84
EN
In the period of the Second World War, the operation of the April Constitution was limited in several respects. This concerns its territorial extent, but also the organization and functioning of the supreme organs of state. The authors discuss the issues of administration of justice in the context of the application of the Basic Law of 1935 during the years of the war. Due to the multi-aspect nature of the problems dealt with, the approach is reduced to include only three actors responsible for justice in Poland in the wartime period, namely the President of the Republic of Poland, the Ministry of Justice, and the judiciary. In discussing each of them, the author examines the key elements shaping the functionality of the administration of justice. The article is of historical and legal in nature.
3
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Instytucja zastępcy senatora w latach 1935–1939

80%
Siemaszko K.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2019
|
issue 3(152)
81–96
EN
The election of Deputy Senators in the years 1935–1939 was carried out by the provincial electoral college on the same day and according to the same principles that applied to the choice of Senators. The Deputies took the Senator’s seat when it became vacant during the term of the Senate. The institution of the Deputy Senator was a very interesting solution allowing to avoid the need to organise supplementary elections to the Senate. Between 1935 and 1939, 125 persons exercised the function of Deputy Senator, including such well-known figures of public life as Wanda Norwid-Neugebauerowa and General Stanisław Taczak.
4
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Kształtowanie formy rządów w Konstytucji kwietniowej z 1935 r.

61%
Kulig A.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2015
|
issue 2(127)
13-50
EN
The adoption of the April Constitution (1935) manifested Poland’s departure from the existing constitutional regulation and a response to the malfunctioning of its parliamentary system established in 1921 by the March Constitution. It was also symptomatic of the trend, well-known in European countries in 1920s when various constitutional experiments were undertaken to overcome faults of parliamentary democracy. Among different areas of the Polish constitutional transformation, the article focuses on the form of government, seeing it as a good refl ection of the essence of this transformation. Their aims included the rejection of the principle of separation of powers, the subordination of all state authorities to the President, the reduction of the status of parliament within the polity and the release of the government of the disadvantages caused by parliamentary scrutiny. Nevertheless, the system of government enshrined in the Constitution of 1935 was not completely developed due to political inconsistency seen prior to the outbreak of World War II.
5

Między demoliberalizmem a państwem władczym. Wacława Makowskiego pochwała solidaryzmu i krytyka liberalizmu

51%
Bojko Ł.
Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne
|
2019
|
vol. 27
91-102
EN
This article acquaints the reader with notions of Wacław Makowski, eminent professor of criminal and constitutional law and a sanation activist. The article particularly refers to his criticisms of liberalism and praise of solidarism. The constant crisis of the political life of the Second Polish Republic required an essential reform of political bases. According to Makowski one should break with the bases of the March Constitution, that is liberalism and parliamentary democratism in favour of solidarism, being an indirect form between authoritarian dictatorship and liberal democracy.
6
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O konstytucji kwietniowej raz jeszcze

41%
Marcinkiewicz M.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
|
2018
|
issue 31
296-355
EN
The March Constitution of 1921 was a result of a compromise, which was quickly criticised by politicians, lawyers, and scholars alike. Its form was also affected by the personality of Józef Piłsudski – predicting that he would become the head of the state, the right wing of the political scene purposefully weakened the presidential prerogatives. It was not long before the constitution failed to fulfil the hope vested in it. Even its own authors joined the criticism. The main objections included the supremacy of the parliament over other authorities or the excessively strong inspiration drawn from French constitutions. The work on a new constitution began in 1928. Although most of the political parties were aware of the necessity to fix the government system, the deputies opposing the governing camp refused to take part in the work on the constitutional changes and adopted a confrontational attitude. Representatives of individual parties criticised the draft by the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government and paid little attention to their own initiatives. Despite the absence of the opposition in the Sejm on 26 January 1934, the Constitution was passed and then, after it had been signed by the president, entered into force in April 1935. Rarely did any event or legal act in Poland’s history cause such emotion and controversy. There is rich literature on the subject, but for years, there was no serious polemic, but rather the constitution was debased as a whole, and a substantial analysis has not been undertaken. The focus was on the fact that it was passed illegally and on its articles that could be regarded as not fully democratic. This approach is firmly cemented. The aim of the work is to show the situation related to the government system of the young Polish state in the Interbellum period and the debate that took place in the Polish parliament. The author focuses on the role of the opposition in the discussed events, critiques their conduct during the work and the passing of the constitution. This evaluation is made not only in the context of the internal circumstances but also the geopolitical and international situation, which was highly complicated in the 1930s.
7
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Polish April Constitution of 1935 and Constitution of the Fifth Republic of France of 1958. Apparent Affinity

41%
Ujazdowski K. M.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
|
2019
|
issue 5 (51)
351-362
EN
A large number of authors, both academics and novelists, contend that there is an affinity between the Polish April Constitution of 1935 and that of the Fifth Republic of France. In their view, such an affinity results from the dominant political position of the president, his powers and general consolidation of the executive power2. Another reason for such an assertion is a similar model of leadership adopted by Piłsudski and de Gaulle. Some authors even assert that “Polish Constitution was an inspiration for the constitutional thought of general de Gaulle”3. Special attention should be paid to the different axiology of the two constitutions, including rigidity of the April Constitution provisions, designed exclusively for the presidential system, and distrust of the Polish constitutional thought in direct democracy. Different leadership models adopted by Piłsudski and de Gaulle also contributed to the general disparities between Polish and French fundamental statutes discussed in this paper.
PL
Wielu autorów, zarówno naukowców, jak i powieściopisarzy, twierdzi, że istnieje podobieństwo między Konstytucją kwietniową Polski z 1935 r. a Konstytucją V Republiki Francuskiej. Ich zdaniem takie powinowactwo wynika z dominującej pozycji politycznej prezydenta, jego uprawnień i ogólnej konsolidacji władzy wykonawczej. Innym powodem takiego twierdzenia jest podobny model przywództwa przyjęty przez Piłsudskiego i de Gaulle’a. Niektórzy autorzy twierdzą nawet, że „polska konstytucja była inspiracją dla konstytucyjnej myśli generała de Gaulle’a”. Szczególną uwagę należy zwrócić na inną aksjologię obu konstytucji, w tym sztywność postanowień Konstytucji kwietniowej, przeznaczonych wyłącznie dla systemu prezydenckiego, oraz brak zaufania do polskiej myśli konstytucyjnej w demokracji bezpośredniej. Różne modele przywództwa przyjęte przez Piłsudskiego i de Gaulle’a również przyczyniły się do ogólnych rozbieżności między podstawowymi ustawami Polski i Francji analizowanymi w niniejszym artykule.
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