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1

Seeing the EU from Outside its Borders: Changing Images of Europe

100%
Chaban N., Holland M.
Baltic Journal of European Studies
|
2013
|
vol. 3
|
issue 3
3-12
EN
This paper outlines the importance of the studies of EU external perceptions in the Asia-Pacific region in the times of global multipolar redesign and an ongoing eurozone sovereign debt crisis. It links understanding of the concepts of EU external images and EU international ‘branding’ to the conduct of the EU’s foreign policy. The paper also details the methodology of the transnational comparative research project ‘The EU in the Eyes of Asia Pacific’ which informs all contributions to this Issue. The paper then presents those contributions which explore EU external perceptions in nine Asia-Pacific locations, members of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) process: China, Japan, South Korea, India, Singapore, Thailand, Australia, New Zealand, and Russia.
2
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Współczesne wyzwania współpracy instytucjonalnej Tajwanu w regionie Azji i Pacyfiku

100%
Trojnar E.
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
|
2015
|
issue 3
145-160
EN
Taiwan’s limited participation in international organizations and institutions depends heavily on its unique, but troublesome position in the world. It results from the fact that in 1949, the Nationalist Party authorities of the Republic of China were established on Taiwan, after the lost war on the continent. Meanwhile, the victorious Communist Party established the People’s Republic of China in the mainland. Throughout the course of the history of divided China, both governments competed for the representation of China in international organizations, however Taiwan’s international presence was largely limited. For example, in 2015 Taiwan participated in 37 international organizations, in addition to the observer’s status in 21 other, most of them of a regional range. It resulted from the development of some alternative strategies, markedly exemplified by Taiwan’s participation in international organizations and institutions in the Asia-Pacific region.
3
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Ranking Asia-Pacific cities: Economic performance of multinational corporations and the regional urban hierarchy

88%
Csomós G., Derudder B.
Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series
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2014
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vol. 25
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issue 25
69-80
EN
Over the past decade the world economy has undergone significant changes with an impact not only on national economies but also on the key cities from which that world economy is largely being controlled. In this study, we use Forbes’ ‘Global 2000’ data on the headquarter location and size of the world’s leading multinational corporations in order to examine the shifting relative position of leading Asia-Pacific cities as command and control centres in this increasingly important part of the world economy. Comparing cities’ positions in 2006 and 2011, we present that Tokyo, which assumed a leading role in the region for decades, has seen a major decline in its command and control function, while Beijing now represents almost as much as command and control as the Japanese capital. Beijing’s fast growth in command and control is also found for Chinese cities, albeit that Beijing clearly dominates the other Chinese cities. In addition, we present that shifting patterns of command and control also hinge on the sectors dominating the Forbes 2000 ranking.
4
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From Counterbalancing to Engaging China: Shift in Japan’s Approach towards the New International Order in the Asia-Pacific under the Second Abe Administration

75%
Żakowski K.
Torun International Studies
|
2019
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issue 12
143-155
EN
From Counterbalancing to Engaging China: Shift in Japan’s Approach towards the New International Order in the Asia-Pacific under the Second Abe Administration
5
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Joe Biden’s Strategy in the Asia-Pacific Region: Change or Continuity. A Comparative Analysis

75%
Grabowski M.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2021
|
issue 4 (50)
95-105
EN
The election of Joseph Biden for the office of the President of the United States has brought expectations of fundamental change in American foreign policy, including policy toward the Asia-Pacific/Indo-Pacific region. As observed in the last few months, the reality has been more complex as definite changes in the US Indo-Pacific policy are not as visible as expected. It is especially in respect of the US policy toward China being more a continuation than a change from Donald Trump’s approach. Changes are rhetorical rather than actual policies. The situation is different in the case of alliances, as Joe Biden offers much more commitment to allies like Japan or South Korea. Also, multilateral dimensions (both regional and global) witness some – however still limited – change. The main goal is to make a comparative analysis of Joe Biden’s policy toward Asia, referring to the administrations of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. Hence the strategies of pivot/re-balance toward the Asia of Obama, and the free and open Indo-Pacific strategy of Trump, will be examined. The analysis refers to the complex interdependence theory and the power transition theory. Methodologically, it is based on document analysis with comparative analysis.
6
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Promoting Free Trade in Asia-Pacific – CPTPP as an Answer to Trump’s Protectionism

63%
Majchrowska E.
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
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2019
|
issue 3
119-134
EN
Dynamic changes occurring in the structure of world economy are reflected in the activities of particular countries which, owing to the multilateral negotiations stalemate, have been searching for alternative opportunities to access other markets. The analysis of the transformations which have taken place clearly indicates that new trends in world trade have emerged, which is manifested, among other things, by concluding new RTAs, among which the mega-regional trade blocs (MRTAs) are of paramount importance to world economy. This certainly included the TPP, which had been subject to negotiations by 12 countries at various levels of economic development. As a result of the increasingly protectionist measures taken by President Trump, the U.S., which had been a key player of the TPP, withdrew from the agreement. However, taking into account the significance of the TPP, both for its individual members, as well as world economy, the remaining 11 members decided to reactivate the agreement without its key partner since it is collectively regarded as the driving force for the regional economic integration. Thus, the resumption of the transpacific trade deal under the name Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) is pivotal from the perspective of its member states, the Asia-Pacific region, as well as world economy. It is particularly important since the success of the agreement will determine who will be deciding on the rules of trade not only in the region but even in global economy.
PL
Dynamiczne zmiany zachodzące w strukturze gospodarki światowej znajdują swoje odzwierciedlenie w działaniach poszczególnych państw, które – w związku z kryzysem na forum negocjacji wielostronnych – poszukują alternatywnych możliwości korzystniejszego dostępu do innych rynków. Analiza zachodzących zmian jednoznacznie wskazuje, że pojawiły się nowe trendy w handlu światowym, co przejawia się m.in. w tworzeniu kolejnych regionalnych umów handlowych (RTAs), z których mega-regionalne bloki handlowe (MRTAs) są szczególnie istotne dla gospodarki światowej. Do takich bez wątpienia należało TPP, które było negocjowane przez 12 państw o różnym poziomie rozwoju gospodarczego. W efekcie narastających działań protekcjonistycznych Trumpa, USA – członek o kluczowym znaczeniu – wycofały się z porozumienia. Biorąc jednak pod uwagę znaczenie TPP zarówno dla poszczególnych członków, jak i gospodarki światowej, pozostałych 11 państw zdecydowało o jego reaktywacji bez kluczowego partnera, uważając porozumienie za szczególną siłę napędową regionalnej integracji gospodarczej. Dlatego też wznowienie porozumienia transpacyficznego pod nazwą Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) jest tak istotne zarówno z punktu widzenia jego uczestników, regionu Azji Pacyfiku, jak i gospodarki światowej. Od sukcesu tej umowy może bowiem zależeć, kto będzie decydował o regułach handlu w regionie, a w nawet gospodarce globalnej.
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