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1

JESEŇ 1958: ZÁPAS O POLITICKÚ ORIENTÁCIU IRACKEJ REPUBLIKY

100%
Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2019
|
vol. 12
|
issue 1
3 – 18
EN
After the successful coup the command was in the hands of those who had made the coup, Brigadier cAbdalkarīm Qāsim and Colonel cAbdassalām cĀrif, with the army behind them. The new rulers found it exceedingly difficult to effect a complete change, for the running of the business of government required the preservation of the administrative and financial systems, even if these were purged of corrupt elements. A complete break with the past was not possible, as it could lead to anarchy and paralysis of the machinery of government. Differences between two leaders soon crystallized around a key policy question: union with Egypt. cAbdassalām cĀrif, encouraged by the Bacth Party and the Arab nationalists, favoured prompt union. cAbdalkarīm Qāsim was more cautious in his approach to this issue. His patient and clever manipulation of affairs behind the scenes assured his success in the ensuing power struggle. In September cAbdassalām cĀrif was moved to retire from his post as deputy commander of the armed forces and shortly afterwards from his posts as deputy prime minister and minister of interior. In November he was arrested and later sentenced to death, however, the sentence was commuted to life imprisonment.
2

SADDĀM HUSAYN’S ROUTE TO THE TOP IN IRAQ, 1976 – 1980

100%
Sorby K. J.
Asian and African Studies
|
2021
|
vol. 30
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issue 2
387 - 404
EN
One of the landmarks in the history of modern Iraq is the coup or revolution of 17–30 July 1968. The unfulfilled promises to establish a democratic and humane political system angered many Iraqis. A group of bacthist officers led by Brigadier Aḥmad Ḥasan al-Bakr (who had been prime minister of Iraq in the years 1963–1964) decided to topple the regime. They returned to power by accomplishing two coups, one on 17 July and the other on 30 July 1968. In both instances, they prevailed by stratagem rather than through force.1 The victorious Socialist Party of Arab Resurrection (Ḥizb al-bacth al-arabī al-ishtirākī), commonly known as the Bacth Party, created a Revolutionary Command Council under the chairmanship of Aḥmad Ḥasan al-Bakr. The RCC assumed unlimited power in the country and Ṣaddām Ḥusayn at-Tikrītī became its Vice Chairman.
3

APPROACH OF THE BACTH PARTY TO THE KURDISH QUESTION IN IRAQ AFTER 1968

100%
Sorby K. J.
Asian and African Studies
|
2018
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vol. 27
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issue 2
216 – 232
EN
One of the landmarks in the history of modern Iraq is the coup or revolution of 17 ̶ 30 July 1968. At that time several political forces in Iraq were dissatisfied with the regime’s policy, as they felt that President cAbdarraḥmān cĀrif was a weak leader who had allowed things to drift way wards. The unfulfilled promises to establish a democratic and humane political system angered many Iraqis. A group of bacthist officers led by Brigadier Aḥmad Éasan al-Bakr (who had been Prime Minister of Iraq in the years 1963 ̶ 1964) decided to topple the regime. They returned to power by accomplishing two coups, one on the 17th July and the other on the 30th July 1968. In both instances, they prevailed by stratagem rather than through force. In the first instance they deposed the president by allying themselves with his closest aides. In the second the bacthists got rid of their inconvenient temporary allies. The victorious Socialist Party of Arab Resurrection (Ḥizb al-bacth al-arabī al-ishtirākī), commonly the Bacth Party, created a Revolutionary Command Council under the chairmanship of Aḥmad Éasan al-Bakr. The RCC assumed unlimited power in the country. Ṣaddām Ḥusayn at-Tikrītī became its Vice Chairman.
4

SNAHA SÝRIE ZÍSKAŤ POSTAVENIE REGIONÁLNEJ MOCNOSTI NA BLÍZKOM VÝCHODE 1970 – 1976

88%
Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2012
|
vol. 5
|
issue 1
81 – 93
EN
The Arab defeat at the hands of Israel in the June War prompted a period of soul-searching throughout the Arab world and led, in the case of Syria, to the overthrow of the existing regime. In Syria Hāfiz al-Asad seized power in 1970 and his regime represented the rise of new elites of rural origins at the expense of the established urban politicians and merchants. The regime was authoritarian, basing its power on the military and the Bacth Party. The sole ruler held absolute power and became the object of a personality cult. The regime adopted socialist economic policies and stood for egalitarian reform. For Hāfiz al-Asad, the persistent conflict with Israel took precedence over all foreign policy considerations. He believed that it was Syria’s duty to resist the Israeli threat and work in the cause of Arab unity. His regional policy was popular in Syria and helped to solidify his domestic position during the early years of his rule. However, his embroilment in the Lebanese civil war undermined his reputation both at home and in the wider Arab world. On 18 October 1976, Syria and the PLO accepted a cease-fire drawn up by Arab heads of state, and the worst of the fighting came to a halt. The terms of the agreement provided for the stationing of an Arab deterrent force to maintain law and order. In reality, the force was composed almost exclusively of Syrian troops whose presence enabled Hāfiz al-Asad to continue his efforts to shape the Lebanese situation to suit the needs of Damascus. However, his forces had become bogged down in a costly and indecisive military occupation.
5

THE ASCENDANCY OF THE BACTH IN SYRIA (1963 - 1966)

75%
Sorby K. R.
Asian and African Studies
|
2010
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vol. 19
|
issue 1
48-70
EN
On the 8th March 1963 a military coup of the coalition of Bacthist, Naoirist and independent unionistic officers brought down the 'secessionist regime' in Damascus. When the army took over, it set up a National Revolutionary Council under the chairmanship of Lt-General Lu'ayy al-Atasi, who invited one of the leaders of the Socialist Party of Arab Resurrection (the Bacth Party) Ialaaddin al-Bioar to form a government of military and civilian ministers. One of the first actions of the new government was to issue a statement in which they declared that their aim was to lead Syria back to reunion with Egypt, this time in company with Iraq. At the same time General al-Atasi declared that the army had been purged of secessionists, including former ministers. Shortly after, minority members in the Syrian officers' corps increased again strongly in numbers at the expense of the Sunnites. A principal reason for this was that the Bacthist military leaders who were involved in the coup had called up numerous officers and non-commissioned officers with whom they were related through family, tribal or regional ties, to consolidate quickly their newly achieved power positions.
6

ZAČIATOK CESTY ṢADDĀMA ḤUSAJNA NA VRCHOL IRACKEJ POLITICKEJ SCÉNY (DVA ÚSPEŠNÉ PREVRATY VEDENÉ STRANOU BACT V JÚLI 1968)

75%
Sorby K. R.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2017
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vol. 10
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issue 2
5 – 22
EN
The coup of the 17th July 1968, although not entirely the work of the Bacth, shortly brought the Bacth Party to full power and inaugurated another distinct change in the structure and orientation of government in Iraq. This time the Bacthists, having learned well the lessons of 1963, managed to stay in powerand to institute the kind of regime they had failed to achieve in 1963. To the surprise of many they brought a long period of stability achieved by draconian means. The regime established a one-party state that eventually developed an impressive institutional structure, and gradually concentrated power in the hands of one man, Ṣaddām Ḥusayn, to a degree not seen since the last days of the monarchy. The Bacth also reached a temporary settlement of the Kurdish problem that appeared more likely to remain intact than previous solutions, although it took a bitter and costly war to achieve. The party made a renewed and reasonably successful effort at economic and social transformation, going well beyond the achievements of previous regimes.
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