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Jarosław Staruch (1910–1947) o tożsamości nazizmu i bolszewizmu

100%
Andrusiak T.
Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi
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2011
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vol. 33
381–395
EN
The author of the article recalls views of Ukrainian ideologue Jarosław Staruch concerning the essence of Nazism and Bolshevism. Staruch presented his political thought in a book titled The Specter of Fascism. The book was written in Ukrainian and published by an “underground” printing shop in 1945. In 1946 its issue was renewed; Polish edition also appeared at the same time. The precise place of the book’s publication remains unknown. It is known, however, that Staruch’s manuscript was published on a territory which only a few years before had been occupied by German forces and which in 1945 — already for a period of two years — remained under Soviet control. The author was therefore intimately familiar with operating mechanisms of both of these totalitarian regimes. Broadly defining the identity of Nazism and Bolshevism, showing the origins of their emergence and their most important characteristic features, and warning against their consequences, Staruch emphatically claimed that both of these totalitarian systems are almost identical in nature.
2

‘POLITICAL LIFE IS DYING OUT’: ROSA LUXEMBURG’S CRITIQUE OF BOLSHEVISM AND THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION

75%
Van Duin P. C.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2018
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vol. 11
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issue 1
19 – 33
EN
This article analyses the critical comments of Rosa Luxemburg on Lenin’s model of the Bolshevik vanguard-party with its elite of professional revolutionaries and on the political events in Russia after the Bolshevik revolution. Rosa Luxemburg had a different concept of socialist revolution than Lenin did, for she regarded the revolutionary process as something that was based on the spontaneous actions of the working class and the mass participation of the people. A socialist party could channel and co-ordinate this revolutionary energy, but Rosa Luxemburg attached great importance to democratic freedoms and procedures and rejected the dictatorial tendencies emerging in Bolshevik Russia. She was hoping that the Bolshevik revolution would be the beginning of a European socialist revolution and never believed that Russia could make a socialist transformation on its own. In fact, she foresaw the bureaucratic dictatorship that Lenin’s Russia would in her view inevitably become, if the deformation of the revolution was not halted by international political developments on a higher democratic and socialist level.
3

BIG BANG OF COMMUNISM: THE BOLSHEVIKS’ DESTRUCTION OF THE RUSSIAN CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY AND THE MAKING OF THE FIRST COMMUNIST DICTATORSHIP (NOVEMBER 1917-JANUARY 1918)

75%
Van Duin P. C., Poláčková Z.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2019
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vol. 12
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issue 2
57 – 75
EN
This essay examines the suppression by the Bolsheviks in January 1918 of Russia’s first democratically elected parliament, the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, and the various steps taken and arguments used by them during the preceding weeks to achieve this goal. Although Lenin and his Bolshevik party had never intended to tolerate the emergence of the Constituent Assembly as a competing political institution to their so-called Soviet democracy, they had to take care to present their repressive intervention as a rational and inevitable act from a revolutionary point of view. This crucial historical episode reveals the true character of the communist movement and communist ideology, which developed into one of the most dangerous threats to European democracy. There were several socialist parties in Russia who tried to fight the Bolsheviks and to present a democratic-socialist alternative, in particular the moderate (‘Right’) wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. The last section of this essay pays some additional attention to Viktor Chernov, a leader of the democratic group of Socialist-Revolutionaries and the President of the Constituent Assembly. In 1921 he fled to Czechoslovakia, where he lived until 1929.
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