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1

THE BYZANTINE MARRIAGE RINGS (IVth - VIIth C.). AN ICONOGRAPHICAL TYPOLOGY (Bizantynskie pierscienie malzenskie (IV-VII w.). Typologia ikonograficzna)

100%
Zdankowska M.
Ikonotheka
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2008
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vol. 21
103-114
EN
The purpose of this article is to present iconographical typology of Byzantine marriage rings - sentimental jewellery commemorating nuptial ceremonies as well as objects provided with apotropaic peculiarities. The earliest type of Byzantine marriage ring, exemplified by a superb example in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection, is that whereon husband and wife, in bust portraits, face one another in full profile. A type of ring characterized by a bezel in a form of inverted pyramid with a deeply cut retrograde device, with an edge inscribed with names of the ring's potential owners - Aristophanes and Ougilantia. Such a double-profile marriage ring, likely taken over by Byzantium from the Latin West, gradually emerges out of later Roman art and is progressively adapted to the needs of a Christian, east Mediterranean clientele. Cross as the most prominent Christian motif, has come to dominate fields of rings, bearing bezels in form of a thin disk with a superficially cut direct devices. Frequently, a bust portrait of Christ appears just above the cross. On later examples, Christ with a crossed nimbus acting the role of pronubis, embraces and blesses the bride and groom, joining their right hands in form of dextrarum junctio, deriving from the ancient secular tradition. Undoubtedly, it had been coinage of those days that provided models and inspiration for the iconography of Byzantine marriage rings. Superficially, the bezel of a Byzantine marriage ring of the seventh century - the time from which derives the major of exhibits - looks much like a Roman commemorative marriage coin. The traditional inscription, in the exergue of most of the rings, is the world homonoia (the state of marital concord available through the 'grace of God'). Furthermore, rings bearing the word hygia ('health') might reasonably be taken so inscribed for amuletic purposes, to protect the marriage union and ensure successful procreation. Also amuletic is the ring's very shape - the octagon, which is shared by more than a half of the Byzantine marriage rings. It looks that the clientele for Byzantine marriage rings was substantially confined to the topmost level of society..
2

GRAPHIC MOTIFS ON FABRICS IN THE LATE- AND POST-BYZANTINE ICONS - A SIGN, A SYMBOL OR A DECORATION? (Motywy graficzne na tkaninach w ikonach pozno- i pobizantynskich - znak, symbol, dekoracja?)

80%
Kruk M. P.
Ikonotheka
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2008
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vol. 21
135-152
EN
The question posed in the title refers to the recurring motifs - usually geometric figures as well as fleurs-de-lis and triskelions on the garments of Jesus, Mary and some saints in the late- and post-Byzantine icons of the 15th and 16th century. These motifs can be observed mainly in frescoes and icons, often produced in very distant centres: from Crete to the remotest north of Rus'. They appear chiefly on the vestments worn by Jesus and the martyrs, as well as on the Mandylion or, in the Nativity scenes, on the sheet upon which Mary reclines during her confinement. The essential question concerns the function and meaning - decorative or symbolic - of these motifs. It seems that their application can hardly be a matter of accident, since for instance the triskelion is a motif frequent in prehistoric and ancient art, commonly interpreted as a solar symbol. Its version was the early-Christian 'crux gammata', known from the oldest icons and catacomb paintings. The geometric figures, in turn, such as the circle, square or equilateral triangle, originate from the Antiquity, in which they carry meanings derived from mathematical ratios which govern their shape and give them the character of 'perfect figures'; hence they could serve as attributes of things perfect. It is evident that the garments of Christ and martyrs, the robes of prophets, Mary's confinement sheet, liturgical tablecloths or the sheet with the image of Christ are covered with a combination of ancient perfect figures - squares, triangles and circles - with the Christian perfect figure - the cross and its crux gammata variant referring to the ancient symbolism of rotational movement, together with the fleur-de-lis, commonly interpreted as the symbol of purity. This combination of motifs may, in effect, have served as the image of the universe , but may also have constituted a protective shield consisting of a set of signs referring to archetypes known through the archaeology of prehistoric cultures and later grafted on the Neo-Platonic ground, adapted in the very first centuries of Christianity, and brought back again at the close of the Middle Ages.
3

THE CULT OF ST. PARASKIEVA IN RUS' (Kult swietej Paraskiewy na Rusi)

80%
Sulikowska-Gaska A.
Ikonotheka
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2008
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vol. 21
171-188
EN
St. Paraskieva belonged to the most popular saints of the Orthodox church, and can be considered one of the most important figures venerated in the Eastern Slavic regions. In the 14th-16th century her cult reached its apogee, gaining a pan-Slavic influence. In the Polish-Lithuanian state it developed mainly due to Grzegorz Cambłak, the archbishop of Kiev, who in the 1420's inspired the proclamation of St. Paraskieva of Tyrnov as the patron saint of the local Orthodox church. In the following centuries, however, her cult began to gradually diminish. This article is an attempt to explain this process. The relatively low status of holy women venerated in the Eastern church may have been among the reasons why by the 17th century the hitherto vigorous cult of St. Paraskieva was no longer supported by the ecclesiastical authorities. The cult of the Theotokos was gaining importance in the same period, and rather quickly overshadowed that of Paraskieva's. In the Muscovite Rus', an additional element was the ongoing 'Byzantinisation' of the Ruthenian Orthodox church. Initiated by Patriarch Nikon. The disappearance of the cult of St. Paraskieva in Western Rus' (i.e. the territories of today's Poland, Ukraine and Belorussia) was concurrent with the steady growth of the dominance of Russia in the Slavonic lands.It was also the period in which the local Orthodox church found itself in deep crisis resulting from the 1596 Union of Brest. It can be assumed, therefore, that the key role in the disappearance of some saints and the emergence of new ones was played by the Muscovite religious tradition, in which - starting from the second half of the 17th and the early 18th century - the Marian cult, often in an imperial interpretation, was steadily gaining in importance. Under the influence of Moscow the Orthodox church in the Polish-Lithuanian state underwent deep transformations, and as a result its earlier ties with the Balkan and Moldavian traditions were seriously weakened. Paraskieva was one of the saints who in effect of those changes were sentenced to oblivion.
4

THE EXALTATION OF THE CROSS IN BYZANTINE ICONOGRAPHY (Podwyzszenie Krzyza Swietego w ikonografii bizantynskiej)

70%
Janocha M.
Ikonotheka
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2008
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vol. 21
81-102
EN
The present text continues the topic begun by the author in an article published in the 'Series Byzantina' vol. V (2007) entitled 'Miniature of the Exaltation of the Cross in the Menologion of Basil II'. The oldest representations of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross date from the mid- and late-Byzantine period. At the present moment, nine miniatures of this scene are known: seven in Greek manuscripts, one in a Georgian and one in an Old-Russian manuscript and two representations in the Sinai icon menologies. In the present article, the author provides a presentation and systematisation of those images on the basis of the present state of research, and an attempt at classification, pointing to formal models common to many liturgical scenes in the mid-Byzantine era and to the liturgical context of the ceremony in question. The scene of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross focuses on the key moment of the entire ceremony. An analogous phenomenon can be observed in the medieval Western iconography with regard to liturgical representations of the Holy Mass, which from the 14th century onward focus on the scene of the Raising of the Host. The existing formal similarity between these two topics goes much deeper, although direct inspirations are impossible to find. With respect to the idea, there is indeed a similarity between the once-yearly, ceremonial gesture of the Exaltation of the Cross in the Byzantine liturgy and the daily ritual of the gesture of the Raising of the Host, preformed during every mass in the Roman liturgy. The Exaltation of the Cross is a display for public adoration of the instrument of martyrdom and death of Christ that became the symbol of salvation. The Raising of the consecrated Host after the transubstantiation is a display for public adoration of the Body of Christ, understood, according to the allegorical interpretation of the Holy Mass, as the raising of Christ upon the cross. The Exaltation of the Cross and the Raising of the consecrated Host are both a revelation of the 'paradoxi Crucis'.
5
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Eucharistia pre život večný v byzantskej tradícii

70%
Mojzeš M.
Studia theologica
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2006
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vol. 8
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issue 3
62-72
EN
This article offers a study about the praxis of viaticum in the Byzantine tradition. At the beginning it is shown that in the first centuries the term viaticum (in Greek efodion) was not used exclusively for the Eucharist received in the last moments of the terrestrial life. The first part of the article deals with four hagiographical fonts: the biographies of St. Melany, of St. Mary of Egypt, of St. Anthony the Great, and of St. Macrina. In the earlier biographies (St. Anthony and St. Macrina), there is no mention of the Eucharist as viaticum. But it does not mean that St. Anthony and St. Macrina did not receive the Eucharist at the end of their terrestrial lives. Furthermore, in these earlier biographies, there is no mention of the Eucharist in general. On the other side, in the posterior biographies (St. Melany and St. Mary of Egypt), we can find the exact mention of the Eucharist as viaticum. After this hagiographical context, the second part of the article deals with the Byzantine liturgical texts of the divine liturgy of St. John Chrysostom and St. Basil the Great. In the Byzantine lex orandi the Eucharist is perceived as efodion, not only in relation to the last moments of the terrestrial life, but every Eucharist is received as a 'food for a journey to the eternal life,' because every Christian is called to be on this journey in every moment of his life.
6
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ŚLADY MISJI METODIAŃSKIEJ NA ZIEMIACH POLSKICH

70%
Jaworska-Wołoszyn M., Klementowicz M.
Konštantínove listy
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2020
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vol. 13
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issue 2
43 - 51
EN
The controversy around Saints Cyril and Methodius’s mission to the historic Polish lands has remained an issue of heated discussions. Many new implications regarding the mission came to light in perspective of the 1050th anniversary of Poland’s Christianization. In literature, the beginnings of Christianity are convergent in time with the event of the baptism of Mieszko I (Czech influence) and the Christianization in a wider scope (influence of Longobard monks). In most available studies the sources which legitimise non-Latin beginnings of Polish Christianity are sometimes intentionally excluded. There is no mention of the Slavic rituals on Polish grounds before 966. The current state of knowledge confirms Methodian mission among the tribes of the Vistulans and the Polans (it concerns people who lived in the original lands in the Vistula basin). This article, therefore, discusses the scope of mission of both Byzantine Christian theologians in Southern Poland.
7

THE FIGURES OF FOUNDERS HOLDING THE TWIGS ON THE WALL PAINTINGS IN NUBIA (Postacie fundatorów trzymajacych galazki na malowidlach sciennych w Nubii)

70%
Mierzejewska B.
Ikonotheka
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2008
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vol. 21
33-53
EN
The visual language of the Nubian Christians on the walls of their churches has left some images of a great value. To the most interesting belong the portraits of Nubian founders shown in the presence of their saint patrons. They can be seen on the walls of almost every religious establishment which preserved its pictorial decoration. The two murals found in a monastery at Old Dongola show the dark skinned founders in the presence of Christ or an Archangel. They stand frontally with bunches of leaved twigs or palm fronds in hands. Similar portraits of believers with twigs were also found on the walls of other churches in Nubia. The twigs seem to allude to Rev. 7,9 where a great multitude in white robes and palm branches in hands is mentioned standing before the throne of the Lamb. The fragment in Rev. hints at the Jewish feast of Sukkoth (the Tabernacles) and to the custom of bringing the bunches of twigs (lulav) to the temple altar to be checked by the archpriest. This agrarian feast mentioned in the Book of Exodus took on the eschatological meaning and was connected with messianic expectations of the Jews. For the Christian authors commenting on Exodus the events described in this book were the symbols of eschatological realities. The Sukkoth was a type of messianic kingship at the end of times, the huts built by Jews the type of resurrected bodies and the twigs the symbol of purity, virtue or, more generally, of good deeds which should be presented to God at the Last Judgment by the resurrected mortals. By representing themselves with the twigs in hands the Nubian donors wanted to express their hopes for being encountered among the elected worthy to see God face to face and to inherit the Kingdom of Heavens. By ordering the portrait to be painted near the effigy of the Archangel Michael, they were seeking a better possibility of turning to him with a personal appeal for intercession in the day of the Last Judgement.
8

THE ART OF THE ICON IN THE FACE OF EVIL (Sztuka ikony wobec zla)

61%
Paprocki H.
Ikonotheka
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2008
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vol. 21
69-80
EN
Among basic issues facing Christianity was the question of the existence of evil in the universe. The usual answers were given from the point of view of Christian philosophy and theology. It is, however, worth investigating whether the problem of evil found its reflection also in the Christian iconography linked with the art of the icon. An icon, as it attempts to combat limitations connected with the material, sensual perception, presents the reality of the Kingdom of God to human eyes. Its existence is based on the principle that in every human being there is an image of and similarity to God. An icon presents the reality of the restored divine image in a human being and therefore refers to the eschatological completeness. By showing the reality of salvation an icon creatively breaks down the evil and destruction brought about by sin. The art of the icon imparts an impression of how the human body shall look after resurrection.Therefore, it is not directed backwards towards the earthly Paradise or history - it is directed forward, to the future, to the Kingdom of God. The entire interior decoration of an Orthodox church is to present transcendent reality, and the iconographic program of the temple is subordinate to this principle. Thus, by looking at a human image in an icon, the viewer is supposed to see God in whose image Man was created. An icon, therefore, has no independent existence, but only leads to the beings in themselves - it attests to the existence of a certain form of the Second Coming in the world of today. The image of Christ, who deigned to take human body, leads to the image of the infinite God. Saint Maximus the Confessor (ca. 580-662) maintained that the liturgy is a step towards deification. This view can refer to the icon as well. An icon is directed towards its Archetype: God, who is the beginning and fulfilment of creation and motion, and it shows God's intention, which was revealed to us by Christ in his earthly existence and which is the ultimate goal of all creation.
9
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PRAKTICKÁ FILOZOFIA V ŽIVOTE KONŠTANTÍNA A METODA

61%
Zozuľaková V.
Konštantínove listy
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2016
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vol. 9
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issue 1
149 – 157
EN
Constantine and Methodius were well educated and they could speak several languages. They were deeply religious men, leading strict and ascetic way of life, in accordance with Byzantine teachings and traditions. Although the names of both brothers are mainly connected with liturgy in Old Church Slavonic, their mission was of far greater significance. They both disseminated the Byzantine Christian thought by their lifestyle and participation in public life. The paper provides specification of terms related to Constantine’s definition of philosophy and discusses the importance of practical philosophy in the lives of Constantine and Methodius. Furthermore, it focuses on the explanation of the meaning of the knowledge of truth in Byzantine Patristic context. It also focuses on explanation of meaning of knowledge of God the way Constantine and Methodius viewed this issue via theses of significant thinkers, mainly via theses of Gregory the Theologian, one of the most prominent Byzantine authors of the fourth century.
10

O SKÚMANÍ BYZANTSKEJ TRADÍCIE NA SLOVENSKU Z HĽADISKA HUDOBNEJ BOHOSLUŽOBNEJ TRADÍCIE

61%
Marinčák Š.
Slavica Slovaca
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2020
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vol. 55
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issue 1
15 - 24
EN
The Byzantine music is intimately connected to the Byzantine liturgy. They both constitute a whole of man’s outer religious expression of faith in a way proper to certain nation and its culture. The liturgical music cannot be studied and understood without taking the liturgical formularies in account; the same applies vice versa. Byzantine-Slavic religious culture has long history, starting in the 9th century, when it gave rise to unique Slavic culture that eventually spread to all the Slavic countries. The development of music closely followed the development of liturgical formularies. Thus, deep knowledge and understanding of their history is inevitable and a condition sine qua non for the adaptation of liturgical formularies and music into vernacular.
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