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EN
The Balkan peninsula on account of its peculiar location and the terrain constitutes the unusually interesting object of the research on military conflicts. Forms of operations applied in conflicts, which took place in the range border of the geographical-political Balkans, let read wars run in this area in the course of a few hundred years. Based on experience resulting from the conflicts of Balkan and other antagonisms, which occurred on the Peninsula during the last century, it is possible to state that the conducted research on meaning of this area can constitute the initial base to next research on Balkan military conflicts. Furthermore, the terrain and its components always serve as a toll to pinpoint the indispensable measures to conduct the wars.
EN
The aim of this article is to examine the origin of “hot nationalism” in the Balkans. Undoubtedly, this kind of nationalism was the final element of the Balkan Wars, that erupted in 1912. The author presents the hypothesis that all Balkan conflicts have in common many factors. First of all, they were leading to develop of the modern nationalism. The ethnic cleansing, which were conducted during the Balkans Wars became the origin of the next Balkan conflicts in XX and XXI centuries. Furthermore, the most important acts of cruelty, violations, rapes, murders are being described along with the overall as it is being manifested in the case of Macedonia. The crucial source of this article constitutes The other Balkan Wars. A 1913 Carnegie Endowment inquiry in retrospect with a new introduction and reflections on the present conflict by George F. Kennan, written in Washington 1993, based on Carnegie Commission Report (1914), whose authors emphasized that “hot nationalism” manifested itself on the field of battle, drew on deeper traits of character inherited, presumably, from a distant tribal past, a tendency to view the outsider, with dark suspicion, and to see the political opponent as a fearful and implacable enemy to be rendered harmless only by total and unpitying destruction. The author asks the question if the “Eastern nationalism”, the most ferocious nationalism, still causes the threat to the security not only in the South Europe but also in the Old Continent?
PL
The aim of this paper is to examine the origin of “hot nationalism” in the Balkans. Undoubtedly, this kind of nationalism was the final element of the Balkan Wars, that erupted in 1912. The author presents the hypothesis that all Balkan conflicts have in common many factors. First of all, they were leading to develop of the modern nationalism. The ethnic cleansing, which were conducted during the Balkans Wars became the origin of the next Balkan conflicts in XX and XXI centuries. Furthermore, the most important acts of cruelty, violations, rapes, murders are being described along with the overall as it is being manifested in the case of Macedonia. The crucial source of this article constitutes The other Balkan Wars. A 1913 Carnegie Endowment inquiry in retrospect with a new introduction and reflections on the present conflict by George F. Kennan, written in Washington 1993, based on Carnegie Commission Report (1914), whose authors emphasized that “hot nationalism” manifested itself on the field of battle, drew on deeper traits of character inherited, presumably, from a distant tribal past, a tendency to view the outsider, with dark suspicion, and to see the political opponent as a fearful and implacable enemy to be rendered harmless only by total and unpitying destruction. The author asks the question if the “Eastern nationalism”, the most ferocious nationalism, still causes the threat to the security not only in the South Europe but also in the Old Continent?
PL
In the article we shall study the position of the second largest community in the city of Salonica – the Muslim community – during the Balkan Wars (1912-1913), using British and Austrian documents. We can conclude that the Balkan Wars satisfied the ambitions of the Balkan states’ nationalist circles which, of course, had the politics of the Great Powers behind them. That such of the case was obvious at both conferences that took place in London at the same time – the Conference of the Ambassadors of the Great Powers and the Peace Conference of the Balkan states engaged in war. 80 years after these wars, a new war threatened the Balkans and was led, with all its attributes of cruelty, on the territory of former Yugoslavia. Reflecting on this phenomenon from today’s perspective, we can come to the conclusion that the historical lesson taught by the Balkan Wars (1912/13) had not been learnt.
EN
Balkan Wars 1912-1913 were a milestone event in the history of the Balkans. They ending, started in 1878, process of expulsion of Turkey from its European possessions, and creating the possibility of realizing popular in this part of Europe slogan “The Balkans for the Balkan nations”. It should be noted that taking on the Balkan Peninsula events were with attention watched by the European great powers, because this part of Europe they are treated as a region of special economic and politic-military interest. This situation was dictated primarily by dynamic industrialization of Europe, which already in the middle of the nineteenth century led to the exacerbation of the struggle for access to the raw materials and especially to sales markets. In the context of the Balkans the essential importance had the rivalry between Austria-Hungary, which was seeking a safe and comfortable way to the port of Thessaloniki, and Russia, which was striving to change the status of Bosporus and the Dardanelles, for ensure grain exports through the Black Sea and the Mediterranean Sea. It must be remembered that the Balkans and Turkey played an equally important role in the economic plans of other powers – Great Britain, France, and from the late nineteenth century also Italy and Germany. An equally important role played by political and military considerations. The entry of great powers in the so-called imperial era greatly influenced the intensification of the competition for the “undisputed leader” in Europe and the range of spheres of influence, and the crystallization of the opposing military-political blocks in the Europe, pay attention of politicians to those European countries, which was created the possibility of blocking the enemy actions and obtain tactical advantage. For obvious reasons, the Balkans have played in this rivalry special role. Although the imposition of all these factors complicated the situation on the Balkan Peninsula, the persistent tension between the great powers created Balkan states and nations the feasibility of their policy plans. Thus, in the era of the Balkan wars, they did not intend to follow the guidelines of European diplomacy, and taken by the great powers the efforts to save peace and acquisition of potential allies did not lead to the expected success, which clearly confirmed the events of WWI.
PL
After declaring its independence in 1908, in the name of the unification of all Bulgarians in one state Bulgaria carried out a policy of expanding its territory at the expense of the Ottoman provinces in the Balkans. The same policy was followed by all the other Balkan states. In the spring of 1912 under Russian auspices was formed the Balkan Alliance in which took part Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece and Montenegro. In the course of one year two wars with opposite goals and objectives were waged in the Balkans. The first war was between the states from the Balkan Alliance and Turkey, and the second – between Bulgaria and its allies from the Balkan Alliance. The Balkan wars changed radically the map of the Balkans. The Balkan Alliance disintegrated, the contradictions among the Balkan states aggravated and that again set them against each other in the First World War.
EN
Montenegro, the smallest of the Balkan states in the beginning of the 20th century, was especially interested in creating an anti-Turkish alliance. It aimed at attaching the fertile lands of Sandžak of Novi Pazar, Metohija and Shkodër. Finally, as a result of the I Balkan War, it managed to achieve the first two aims, only if partially, because it had to share those lands with Serbia. Montenegro did not manage to take over control of Shkodër and the surroundings inhabited mainly by Albanians. There were many reasons why Montenegro did not manage to realize its territorial aspirations: – the poor financial condition of the state of Montenegro on the eve of the war, which prevented them from gaining a strong position in the Balkan alliance and made a success in its military actions dependent on the allies, especially on Serbia; – the detrimental pressure exerted by king Nicolas I to fight at any cost for the control over Shkodër; – a conflict of interest and mistakes made by the Montenegro authorities in developing their relations with Serbia, which weighed later on the relations between Montenegro and Serbia in the period between the Balkan wars and the First World War, as well as at the time when Yugoslavia began to unite around the idea of building the common state. – not appreciating to a sufficient degree the significance of the Albanian problem and not using the possession of the North Albanian lands as a bargaining chip in the relations with neighbors, particularly with Serbia.
EN
A populist slogan, with a crusade like overtones: “to liberate our Christian brothers”, served as an unassailable alibi for the expansionist aspirations of the small Balkan states in order to mobilize their population during the First Balkan War. The different interpretations of the phrase “Christian brothers” could already be seen in the Balkan pacts and their hidden annexes. The Second Balkan War quite openly revealed the sole objective of the Balkan states for territorial expansion in those wars. To each his own: Greece longed for the wheat fields of Macedonia and Edirne; Bulgaria longed for the warm seas of Macedonia and Edirne; Serbia longed to be a coastal country at any cost- if they could not reach the Salonika Bay, then through the Durres port; Montenegro longed for the Skhodër (Skadar/Shkodra) port, etc. The Second Balkan War proved to be the quintessence of different interpretation of the word “to liberate”. Even though the Balkan Wars lasted for almost a year (between 1912 and 1913), they left the Balkan people with severe consequences. Namely, since the Balkan territory was ethnically diverse, especially in a period when not all of the nations were yet completely defined, it was not possible to draw the state lines which could please everybody and which would not dissatisfy the population later. Thus, the same actors would actively participate in both World Wars. Because of this, the discontentment originating in the period of the Balkan Wars still burdens the relations between the Balkan countries to this day. The unresolved political questions, such as the problem of Macedonia and Kosovo, may have lasted the whole century. This, however, does not mean that history repeats itself, because history can never be the same. Frozen conflicts and unresolved issues still burden the Balkans and contribute to the very slow and hard development of its political culture.
PL
A populist slogan, with a crusade like overtones “to liberate our Christian brothers”, served as an unassailable alibi for the expansionist aspirations of the small Balkan states in order to mobilize their population during the First Balkan War. The different interpretations of the phrase “Christian brothers” could already be seen in the Balkan pacts and their hidden annexes. The Second Balkan War quite openly revealed the sole objective of the Balkan states for territorial expansion in those wars. To each his own: Greece longed for the wheat fields of Macedonia and Edirne; Bulgaria longed for the warm seas of Macedonia and Edirne; Serbia longed to be a coastal country at any cost- if they could not reach the Salonika Bay, then through the Durres port; Montenegro longed for the Skhodër (Skadar/Shkodra) port, etc. The Second Balkan War proved to be the quintessence of different interpretation of the word “to liberate”. Even though the Balkan Wars lasted for almost a year (between 1912 and 1913), they left the Balkan people with severe consequences. Namely, since the Balkan territory was ethnically diverse, especially in a period when not all of the nations were yet completely defined, it was not possible to draw the state lines which could please everybody and which would not dissatisfy the population later. Thus, the same actors would actively participate in both World Wars. Because of this, the discontentment originating in the period of the Balkan Wars still burdens the relations between the Balkan countries to this day. The unresolved political questions, such as the problem of Macedonia and Kosovo, may have lasted the whole century. This, however, does not mean that history repeats itself, because history can never be the same. Frozen conflicts and unresolved issues still burden the Balkans and contribute to the very slow and hard development of its political culture.
UK
У статті проаналізовано публікації у київській газеті “Рада” які стосувалися подій у Болгарії наприкінці ХІХ – на початку ХХ ст. Часопис виходив упродовж 1906-1914 рр. Він, на постійній основі оприлюднював матеріали які розглядали актуальні питання економічного, громадського і культурного життя сусідніх з Україною слов’янських народів. У процесі дослідження, встановлено, що увагу редакції та читачів привертали історія і особливості національного відродження Болгарії. На шпальтах часопису друкувалися кореспонденції які розповідали про міжнародні відносини на Балканах, україно-болгарські культурні контакти, тощо. Широко висвітлювалися заходи із вшанування пам’яті Т. Шевченка. Детально розповідаючи про економіне, політичне, культурне життя тогочасної Болгарії, заглиблюючись у військові дії і перебіг Балканських війн, часопис акцентував увагу на держаності і політичній системі, свободах, участі населення у самоврядуванні, високому рівні патріотизму і самосвідомості. Це був натяк, для українців, на необхідність плекати рідну мову, шанувати минуле, консолідуватися у боротьбі за власне майбутнє і вивчати і запозичувати успішний досвід сусіднього слов’янського народу. Болгарську проблематику висвітлювали кілька кореспондентів видання А. Ніковський, С. Бардяєв, О. Бочковський, Ф. Матушевський, Л. Пахаревський, С. Драгоманов, Л. Шишманова-Драгоманова.
PL
Artykuł analizuje publikacje w kijowskim czasopismie «Rada» dotyczące wydarzeń w Bułgarii końca XIX i początku XX wieku. Pismo ukazywało się w latach 1906-1914. Na stałe publikował materiały dotyczące aktualnych problemów życia gospodarczego, społecznego i kulturalnego sąsiadujących z Ukrainą narodów słowiańskich. W trakcie badań ustalono, że uwagę redaktorów i czytelników przyciągnęła historia i osobliwości odrodzenia narodowego Bułgarii. Na łamach czasopisma drukowano korespondencję, która opowiadała o stosunkach międzynarodowych na Bałkanach, kontaktach kulturalnych ukraińsko-bułgarskich itp. Wydarzenia upamiętniające T. Szewczenkę były szeroko relacjonowane. Mówiąc szczegółowo o życiu gospodarczym, politycznym i kulturalnym Bułgarii w tym czasie, zagłębiając się w operacje wojskowe i przebieg wojen bałkańskich, czasopismo skupiono na państwowość i ustrój polityczny, wolności, udział ludności w samorządzie, wysoki poziom patriotyzmu i samoświadomości. Była to wskazówka dla Ukraińców, że trzeba pielęgnować swój język ojczysty, szanować przeszłość, umacniać się w walce o własną przyszłość, studiować i zapożyczać pomyślne doświadczenia sąsiednich Słowian. Kwestie bułgarskie poruszało kilku korespondentów w swoich publikacjach: A. Nikovsky, S. Bardiaev, O. Bochkovsky, F. Matushevsky, L. Pakhaevsky, S. Dragomanov, L. Shishmanova-Dragomanova.
EN
The article analyzes the publications in the Kyiv Rada magazine concerning the events in Bulgaria in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The magazine was published during 1906-1914. It published materials on a regular basis that addressed urgent issues of economic, social and cultural life of the Slavic peoples neighboring Ukraine. In the course of the research, it has been established that the history and features of the national revival of Bulgaria attracted the attention of the editors and readers. The pages of the magazine published correspondence about international relations in the Balkans, Ukrainian-Bulgarian cultural contacts, etc. The magazine focused on statehood and political system, freedoms, participation in self-government, high patriotism and self-awareness. It was a hint for Ukrainians of the need to cherish their native language, respect the past, consolidate in the struggle for their own future, and study the successful experience of the neighboring Slavic people.
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