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EN
The aim of the article is to study the peculiarities of the rivalry between Bolsheviks and Belarusian socialists for the future of the Belarusian lands in 1918-1920. The research methodology is based on the principles of scholarship, historicism, systematism and historical analysis. The scientific novelty of the results of this study lies in the reconstruction of the events related to the creation of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belarus. Conclusions: At the end of World War I, after the February Revolution, the process of formation of an independent Belarusian state by Belarusian socialists began. Although the Belarusian People's Republic was proclaimed on March 25, 1918, Belarusians did not manage to create their own state. It was determined by many internal and external factors. One of them being the political and territorial aspirations of the Bolsheviks and a rivalry between them and the Belarusian socialists for the future of the Belarusian lands. Conclusions: Belarusians, and therefore the Belarusian national movement, found themselves in a specific situation during the war. In the years 1915-1918, the Belarusian lands were divided by the Russian-German front line. As a result, military and civilians from the depths of Russia came to the frontier zone. After the February Revolution, the Russian army in the Western District and the Front began to become strongly politicized, focusing on various political and national programs. Belarusian socialists, including the military, gathered in the Central Belarusian Military Council opted for the creation of a Belarusian republic, first in a federation with Russia, and soon (after the Bolshevik coup) they leaned towards its independence. The military Bolsheviks were in favor of the incorporation of Belarusian lands into Russia as the West District. The conflict of interest between the Belarusian socialists and the Russian Bolsheviks was revealed at the All-Belarusian Congress held in Minsk in December, when Congress was brutally dispersed by the military Bolsheviks. The aspirations of the Belarusian socialists and position of the Belarusian communists were determined, among others, by the creation of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belarus proclaimed twice on January 1, 1919 and July 31, 1920 just before the offensive against Warsaw. It was supported by Soviet Russia as a counterbalance to the activities of the Belarusian independence camp and Polish influence in Belarus.
PL
W okresie międzywojennym w białoruskim ruchu narodowym na zachodniej Białorusi w Polsce istniało wiele prądów politycznych. Wśród nich była „białoruska sanacja” („grupa Łuckiewicza-Ostrowskiego”), która powstała po zdelegalizowaniu przez władze polskie Białoruskiej Włościańsko-Robotniczej Hromady. Przedstawiciele „białoruskiej sanacji” postulowali porzucenie radykalnej walki politycznej i rozpoczęcie poszukiwania kompromisu z władzami polskimi w celu zachowania istniejących białoruskich organizacji kulturalnych i oświatowych. Takie poglądy wyznawały m.in. organizacje Centrasajuz i Towarzystwo Białoruskiej Oświaty. Jednocześnie „białoruska sanacja” była dość krytycznie ustosunkowana wobec polityki polonizacyjnej i występowała w roli „konstruktywnej opozycji” wobec władz polskich. Przyczyną upadku „białoruskiej sanacji” były wewnętrzne nieporozumienia między przywódcami tego obozu politycznego.
EN
A number of political trends existed in the Belarusian national movement in Western Belarus in Poland in the interwar period. One such political trend was the “Belarusian sanation” (“Luckievič-Astroŭski group”), which arose after the Polish authorities dissolved the Belarusian Peasants Workers Hramada. Followers of the “Belarusian sanation” proposed to abandon the radical political struggle and begin a search for a compromise with the Polish authorities to preserve the existing Belarusian cultural and educational organizations. Based on these ideas, such organizations as Centrasajuz and the Belarusian Education’s Association were created. At the same time, the “Belarusian sanation” was quite critical of polonization policy and acted as a “constructive opposition” towards the Polish authorities. The reason for the decline of the “Belarusian sanation” was internal disagreement among the leaders of this political direction.
EN
The paper discusses the issues of the Belarusian Peasants’ and Workers’ Union (Hramada) in modern Belarusian historical traditions. The Hramada had existed very briefly (1926–1927), but in a very short period of time lots of Belarusians had joined it. Because of its great popularity, the Hramada was the most influential party in the history of the Belarusian national movement. Despite its extreme-left social and political orientation, in the Soviet historiography that party had never been described as the communist one. That kind of the attitude is also employed by present Belarusian official state ideology. But the past of the formation, that had left a mark on the biography of the majority of Belarusian nationalists in the Second Polish Republic, is not the piece of the Belarusian historical memories yet.
PL
W artykule zostały omówione kwestie dotyczące obecności Białoruskiej Włościańsko-Robotniczej Hromady we współczesnej białoruskiej tradycji historycznej. Partia ta, choć na scenie politycznej istniała bardzo krótko (1926–1927), była ewenementem w historii białoruskiego ruchu politycznego. W bardzo krótkim czasie pociągnęła za sobą wielotysięczne masy ludności białoruskiej. Pomimo skrajnie lewicowego programu w historiografii radzieckiej nie została potraktowana jako partia komunistyczna, dlatego przekaz o jej istnieniu był bardzo schematyczny i skąpy. Do wzorców tych nawiązuje współczesne państwo białoruskie. Powoduje to, że wiedza o formacji, która odcisnęła piętno na życiorysie większości białoruskich działaczy narodowych w II Rzeczypospolitej, nie jest domeną dominującego na Białorusi nurtu pamięci historycznej.
PL
Artykuł poświęcono jednemu z mniej znanych obecnie przywódców białoruskiego ruchu narodowego Fiodorowi Wernikowskiemu. Mniej lub bardziej szczegółowa ocena jego działalności, którą przeprowadził sam Wernikowski, jak również jego towarzysze broni stała się kanwą niniejszego artykułu. W analizie wykorzystano również inne źródła dokumentalne, związane z Wernikowskim i jego najbliższym otoczeniem.
EN
The article is devoted to a little-known leader of the Belarusian national movement Fyodor Vernikovsky. The author of the article focuses on detailed evaluation of his activity made by Vernikovsky himself and his close associates. In the analysis other documentary sources related to Vernikovsky and people around him within years were used.
RU
У артыкуле разглядаюцца маючыя дачыненне да Беларусi нямецкамоўныя публiкацыi 1910–1930 гадоў. Упершыню нямецкамоўная лiтаратура, прысвеча- ная геаграфii, гаспадарцы, гiсторыi i нацыянальным меньшынствам Беларусi, пабачыла свет у Германii i Аўстра-Венгрыi падчас Першай сусветнай вайны. Прычынай гэтай павышанай увагi да Беларусi ў нямецкай i аўстрыяцкай грамадскасцi была нямецкая акупацыя пэўных рэгiёнаў Беларусi з восенi 1915 да лютага 1918 года. Нямецкiя ўлады так званай вайсковай акругi "Обер Ост" [Верхнi Усход] падтрымлiвалi стварэнне цывiльнай адмiнiстрацыi, школьнай сiстэмы i прэсы на нацыянальных мовах, часта ў паразуменнi з беларускiм нацыянальным рухам. У нямецкiх вайсковых пададдзелах адбывалi сваю вайсковую службу прадстаўнiкi маладой нямецкай культурнай элiты – не толькi ваенныя аглядальнiкi, але i пiсьменнiкi, паэты, фiлолагi, мастакi, гiсторыкi мастацтва, археолагi, геаграфы i эканамiсты, якiя пераважна ў Вiльнi пазнаёмiлiся з беларускiмi iнтэлiгентамi, а таксама з штодзённым жыццём беларускага насельнiцтва, яго культурай, мовай, фальклорам i гiсторыяй. У мiжваенны перыяд гэтыя iнтэлiгенты замацавалi свае ваенныя ўражааннi ў значнай колькасцi публiкацый у галiнах краязнаўства, лiтаратуразнаўства, мовазнаўства, гiсторыi мастацтва i геаграфii. Беларускiя навукоўцы (фiлолагi, гiсторыкi), галоўным чынам у дваццатыя гады, таксама апублiкавалi вынiкi сваiх даследаванняў у нямецкамоўных выданнях.
EN
The article reports on German language publications concerning Belarus in the period of 1910–1930. During World War One, for the first time, literature specialized in geography, economics, history and national minorities of Belarus was published in Germany and Austro-Hungary. The reason of this increased attention to Belarus was the German occupation of some territories of Western Belarus from autumn 1915 to February 1918. The German authorities of the so called military district Ober Ost [Upper East] supported the building of a civil administration, school system and press in national languages, often in accordance with the requirements of Belarusian national movement. In the German armed forces were also representatives of the young German cultural elite – not only war correspondents, but also writers, poets, philologists, painters, art historians, archaeologists, geographers and economists, who especially in Vilnius became acquainted not only with Belarusian intellectuals but also with the everyday life of Belarusian population, its culture, language, folklore and history. In the interwar years many of these intellectuals assimilated their war experiences in a lot of publications in the fields of regional studies, belles lettres, linguistics, art history and geography. Mainly in the twenties some Belarusian intellectuals (philologists, historians, literary critics) published their results of research in German publishing houses and periodicals.
EN
This article explores changes in the attitudes of Poles towards the Belarusian national aspirations during great transformations in Russia, i.e. in 1917. At that time, Poland had to acknowledge the fact that its efforts to establish itself as the protector of the Belarusian peoples had petered out. Consequently, the Poles adopted different attitudes to possible cooperation with Belarusian politicians, from denying such a possibility altogether (National Democracy) to considering them equal partners (Polish Democratic Union, or PZD).
PL
Artykuł przedstawia zmiany stosunku Polaków do białoruskich aspiracji narodowych w Mińsku w czasie wielkich przemian w Rosji, czyli w 1917 r. Polacy musieli wówczas zaakceptować fakt, że polityka dalszego pełnienia roli patrona ludności białoruskiej już się wyczerpała. Wśród Polaków doszło wtedy do ukształtowania się różnych poglądów na możliwość współpracy z politykami białoruskimi, od pozycji negowania takiej możliwości (endecja) po traktowanie ich jako równoprawnych partnerów (PZD).
RU
У публікацыі адлюстраваны змены ў адносінах палякаў да беларускіх нацыянальных памкненняў у Мінску ў час важных трансфармацыяў у Расіі, менавіта ў 1917 г. У гэты час палякі павінны былі прыняць факт, што палітыка далейшага імкнення да ролі патрона беларускага насельніцтва скончылася. Адначасова ў асяроддзі палякаў сфарміраваўся спектр розных поглядаў на магчымасць супрацоўніцтва з беларускімі палітыкамі, ад пазіцыі адмаўлення такой магчымасці (Нацыянальна-дэмакратычная партыя Беларусі) да раўнапраўнага партнёрскага стаўлення (Польскі дэмакратычны саюз Беларусі).
EN
The Belarusian national movement in interwar Poland significantly increased its influence on various aspects of social and cultural life, including the Orthodox Church in the 1920s. In the socio-political discourse of the Belarusian minority in Poland the Belarusization of the Orthodox Church and its institutions was actively discussed. One of the main conditions of this process was the expansion of the Belarusian Orthodox component in education, especially in the Vilnius Seminary and at the Theological Faculty of the University of Warsaw, the goal being to bring up a new generation of Belarusian priests. The influence of the Belarusian national movement in these institutions was reflected in the participation of teachers and students in the Belarusian political life, the teaching of the Belarusian language, the creation of Belarusian groups and creative teams.
PL
Białoruski ruch narodowy w Polsce międzywojennej znacznie zwiększył swój wpływ na różne aspekty życia społecznego i kulturalnego, w tym na Cerkiew prawosławną. W dyskursie społeczno-politycznym białoruskiej mniejszości narodowej w Polsce aktywnie dyskutowano nad białorutenizacją Cerkwi i jej instytucji. Jednym z głównych warunków tego procesu była ekspansja białoruskiego składnika w szkołach prawosławnych w celu kształtowania nowej generacji białoruskich księży prawosławnych, głównie w seminarium w Wilnie oraz na Wydziale Teologicznym Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. Wpływ białoruskiego ruchu narodowego w tych instytucjach znalazł odzwierciedlenie w udziale nauczycieli i uczniów w białoruskim życiu politycznym, nauczaniu języka białoruskiego, tworzeniu białoruskich grup i zespołów twórczych.
RU
У 1920–ыя гады беларускі нацыянальны рух у міжваеннай Польшчы значна пашырыў свой уплыў на розныя сферы грамадскага і культурнага жыцця, у тым ліку і на Праваслаўную царкву. У грамадска-палітычным дыскурсе беларускай меншасці Польшчы актыўна абмяркоўвалася пытанне пра беларусізацыю Праваслаўнай царквы і яе інстытутаў. Адным з галоўных варункаў гэтага працэсу з’яўлялася пашырэнне беларускага кампанента ў праваслаўных навучальных установах з мэтай выхавання новага пакалення беларускіх праваслаўных святароў, асабліва ў Віленскай духоўнай семінарыі і на багаслоўскім факультэце Варшаўскага ўніверсітэта. Уздзеянне беларускага нацыянальнага руху на гэтыя ўстановы выяўлялася ва ўдзеле выкладчыкаў і навучэнцаў у беларускім палітычным жыцці, выкладанні беларускай мовы, арганізацыі беларускіх кружкоў і творчых калектываў.
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