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1

Black Sea or Black Saphire: A Constructive Approach to Black Sea Security Boosting Geo-Strategic Importance of the Black Sea

100%

Kir S., Alkan A.

Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego

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2006

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vol. 1

164-166

PL

W artykule przedstawiono problematykę bezpieczeństwa na Morzu Czarnym i podejmowanych w ostatnich latach inicjatyw mających na celu zwiększenie stabilności tego unikatowego obszaru. Autorzy omawiają, wynikającą z zakończenia zimnej wojny, zmianę geostrategicznego znaczenie Morza Czarnego, a następnie prezentują nowe zagrożenia i wyzwania dla bezpieczeństwa basenu czarnomorskiego. Na szczególną uwagę zasługuje omówienie dwóch inicjatyw tureckich: stworzenie międzynarodowego zespołu sił morskich BLACKSEAFOR oraz zainicjowanie operacji „Black Sea Harmony”.

2

Wurde Tyras in das Römische Reich inkorporiert? Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Römischen Anwesenheit an der Nördlichen Schwarzmeerküste

88%

Królczyk K.

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia

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2017

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issue 16

399-415

EN

The following text has been devoted to the problem of incorporation of the Greek colony of Tyras, located not far away from the mouth of the river Tyras (Dniester) into the Pontus Euxinus (Black Sea), to the Roman Empire. Some scholars – among them Theodor Mommsen – were convinced that it happened in the middle of the 1. century AD or little later. There are, however, some historians who think that Tyras remained independent until its end in the late antiquity. Upon the analysis of the extant epigraphic sources, the author of the following article puts a hypothesis that Tyras was actually incorporated to the Roman province by the end of the 2. century AD. In his opinion it was the emperor Septimius Severus (ruled 193-211) who decided to enlarge the territory of the Empire in this part of the ancient oikumene. The incorporation of Tyras into the Roman Empire can bee seen as a part of the policy of the propagatio Imperii (the enlargement of the Empire) which was consistently carried out by Septimius Severus from the very beginning of his reign.

3

The effect of water bodies and water courses on WWII warfare in the Black Sea area between 1941 and 1942

88%

SIEBIESZUK D.

Historia i Świat

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2017

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issue 6

179-184

EN

The subject of the analysis is German and Soviet military operations in the southern sector of the eastern front, with a particular emphasis on the role of rivers and the Black Sea, during these operations. The time frame of the paper includes the beginning of Operation Barbarossa, in June 1941, until the capture of the Crimean peninsula by the Wehrmacht, in July 1942. The article begins with an attempt of defining concepts relevant for further study of the issues mentioned in the title. The role of the Black Sea and its watercourses is discussed and the fact that they played a very important role as defensive lines of the Red Army. The German army showed its huge military potential when crossing rivers. Military operations performed at the Black Sea became an integral element of the fights in the southern sector of the eastern front. The means of warfare involved as well as human and material losses may indicate a ruthlessness of the fighting and importance of the Black Sea theatre of war. Efforts and dedication of the both warring sides in the area of the Black Sea made history.

4

Lamps with "temple facade" decoration: witness to urban vitality in the northern and western Black Sea and the ties with Constantinople

63%

Chrzanovski L., Zhuravlev D., Topoleanu F.

Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean

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2019

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vol. 28(1)

125-159

EN

The architectural motif in the form of an arch-on-columns, the titular “temple facade”, decorating the discus of late antique lamps, has been the subject of debate and various interpretations of the meaning without reference to the rendering or the lamp type. An examination of known examples of lamps with this particular motif has identified four different lamp type variants and two main renderings of the decoration. Ovoid lamps bearing a representation of an arch-on-columns, the most numerous among the finds, come mostly from Constantinople and nearby cities, the Black Sea coast and the Danubian sites, the sole exceptions being Egypt (where they appear also in a late variant), Cyprus and Byblos. Reconstructing the distribution of these types and renderings has introduced some “order” into the existing hypotheses and highlighted issues connected with understanding the booming economy of the Pontic area as well as the recently rebuilt Danubian limes fortresses, during their apex, in the 5th and 6th centuries AD. It has also contributed to the discussion aimed at ending the widespread use of the term “Balkan lamps” for products that represent the output of Pontic and Danubian workshops influenced by the Imperial capital in Constantinople.

5

Зовнішня політика й національна безпека Румунії у контексті агресії Росії проти України

63%

Zlatin O.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

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2016

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issue 25

EN

The article presents research of influence of Russian aggression against Ukraine on Romanian foreign policy and national security. The author analyses the National Defense Strategy adopted in June 2015, the basic threats, risks and key directions of Bucharest policy on minimization of these threats and risks and consolidation of its role on the East flank of NATO and EU as well as in the Area of the Black Sea Region.The article defines key changes and tendencies in Bucharest' foreign policy and outlines its unchangeable basic elements in the context of tectonic shifts in the European security architecture. Apart from that, the paper indicates and analyzes key events in Romania-Ukraine relations in the shadow of Russian revisionist policy.

6

Superbia Genueńczyków w połowie XIV wieku w oczach bizantyńskich i weneckich historyków i kronikarzy

63%

Karpow S. P.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2017

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vol. 16

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issue 1

285-300

EN

The article treats the approach of the Byzantine and Italian historians and chroniclers of the 14th–17th centuries to the problem of claims of the Republic of Genoa to establish its monopoly in trade and navigation in the Black Sea area. It seemed to be one of the causes of the war between Venice and Genoa in 1350–1355 that dramatically affected the Byzantine Empire. The author studies terminology of various writers defining political aspirations of the Genoese Republic.

7

Baltic – Black Sea Area as a Geopolitical Reality: Does It Exist?

63%

Doroshko M., Tsyrfa I.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2021

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issue 1

107-136

PL

Ponieważ przemiany społeczne i polityczne, jakie obserwujemy we współczesnym świecie, uaktualniły w ostatnim czasie kwestię powstawania nowych regionów geopolitycznych, obszar mórz Bałtyckiego i Czarnego zasługuje na szczególną uwagę, ponieważ status geopolityczny tego znajdującego się na rozdrożach obszaru jest wciąż dyskusyjny. Geopolityczne granice obszaru mórz Bałtyckiego i Czarnego nieustannie się zmieniają nie tylko funkcjonalnie, ale także strukturalnie: można więc uznać ten obszar za specyficzną formację geopolityczną, która znajduje się na styku dwóch geopolitycznych megaregionów – Europy Zachodniej i Północnej Eurazji. Obszar ten jest głęboko podzielony i nadal przechodzi bardzo bolesne przemiany polityczne, kulturowe i gospodarcze. Rywalizacja o władzę między Rosją, NATO i UE, a także dziedzictwo historyczne tego rejonu uwarunkowały ścieżkę jego rozwoju. W efekcie w obszarze mórz Bałtyckiego i Czarnego nie istnieje żaden system podziału politycznego czy zarządzania gospodarką, ale bliskie związki znajdujących się tam krajów i wiele obszarów wspólnych zainteresowań sprzyjają wszechstronnej współpracy i dialogowi w różnorakich kwestiach. Jeśli ich współpraca przybierze formę wielostronnych relacji opartych na zasadzie suwerennej równości państw, które starają się poszerzyć zakres współpracy i ograniczyć pole konfrontacji, państwa te będą w stanie stworzyć system komplementarnych elementów zapewniających efekt synergii, urzeczywistniając powstanie obszaru mórz Bałtyckiego i Czarnego stanowiących rzeczywisty byt geopolityczny.

EN

As the social and political transformations observed in the modern world have recently made current the issue of formation of new geopolitical regions, the Baltic – Black Sea Area deserves particular attention because the geopolitical status of this junction territory still remains questionable. The geopolitical boundaries of the Baltic – Black Sea Area are constantly changing not only functionally, but also structurally, which is why it can be considered as a specific geopolitical formation located at the junction of the two geopolitical mega-regions of Western Europe and Northern Eurasia. This area is highly fragmented and still undergoing very painful political, cultural, and economic transformations. The power competition between Russia, NATO and the EU, as well as the region’s historical legacy have determined the path of its development. As a result, the Baltic – Black Sea Area does not have any system of political division or economic management, but close connections between the countries located there and many spheres of their common interest promote comprehensive cooperation and dialogue on a variety of issues. If their cooperation leads to multilateral relationships based on the principle of the sovereign equality of states which are trying to expand the scope of their collaboration and limit the scope of confrontation, they could organize a system of complementary elements which provide synergies and ensure the existence of the Baltic – Black Sea Area as a geopolitical reality.

8

UKRAINIAN-ROMANIAN RELATIONS AT THE BACKGROUND OF RUSSIA’S REVISIONIST POLICY

63%

Zlatin O.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

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2017

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issue 26

EN

The purpose of this article is to analyse relations between Ukraine and Romania in the post-communist period. It provides a deep insight into the evolution of these relations in the context of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. The study gives a general overview of the bilateral relations between the two neighbouring countries since the collapse of USSR and restoration of Ukraine’s independence in 1991, focusing on a wide range of irritants both great and small. Further, the research highlights turbulent relations between Kyiv and Bucharest from the historical and socio-cultural perspective. Another neuralgic issue analysed in this paper is Russian illegal annexation of the Crimea and its aggression against Ukraine, which not only destabilised the security balance in the Black Sea, Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East by establishing a large anti-access/area-denial exclusion zone but also caused the greatest threat to the national security of Romania. In fact, with Russia being its direct maritime neighbour Romania cannot cope with this threat alone. Furthermore, the study shows that Russian aggression against Ukraine resulted in intensifying rapprochement between Ukraine and Romania since 2014. Subsequently, Romania condemned the Kremlin’s aggression and became one of the Ukraine’s advocates within the international organisations like the EU, NATO, and the UN. Finally, it is also noteworthy that summit meetings between Kyiv and Bucharest reveal the new phase in their bilateral relations based on the “security first” approach.

9

Turkey and the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC)

51%

Aslan D. H., Sharapov M.

Zeszyty Naukowe Uczelni Vistula

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2014

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issue 34/2014 Stosunki Międzynarodowe

126-136

EN

As it has been discussed by many prominent strategists, the Republic of Turkey is situated in a highly critical position in terms of geopolitics. Being a bridge between the East and the West and a bustling centre of trade and a strategic economic and political nexus between regions of the world, the power vacuum emerged with the end of the Cold War highly jeopardised the stability of Turkey. Therefore, in the period following the collapse of the Soviet Union, regionaleconomic cooperation in Turkish neighbourhood became a high level agenda for Turkey’s foreign policy decision makers. Within this very scope so as to increase intercourse in terms of economy, science, trade, education, technology, politics and culture as well as to minimise future conflicts in the Turkish periphery, Ankara strictly engaged in similar international collaboration projects like the Black SeaEconomic Cooperation.

PL

Jak na to zwraca uwagę wielu wybitnych strategów, Republika Turcji znajduje się w nader krytycznym położeniu z punktu widzenia geopolityki. Będąc pomostem między Wschodem a Zachodem i ruchliwym ośrodkiem handlu oraz strategicznym łącznikiem ekonomicznym i politycznym między regionami świata, Turcja odczuła duże zagrożenie swej stabilności ze strony potężnej próżni, jaka się pojawiła wraz z zakończeniem zimnej wojny. W związku z tym w okresie po upadku Związku Radzieckiego regionalna współpraca gospodarcza w sąsiedztwie Turcji stała się nadrzędnym punktem porządku dziennego dla decydentów polityki zagranicznej Turcji. Wobec tego z myślą o rozwijaniu stosunków gospodarczych, naukowych, handlowych, w zakresie edukacji, technologii polityki i kultury, jak również o zminimalizowaniu przyszłych konfliktów na obrzeżach Turcji, Ankara aktywnie się włączyła w podobne projekty współpracy międzynarodowej, takie jak Współpraca Gospodarcza Państw Morza Czarnego.

10

The significance of the Black Sea in Turko-Soviet relations in 1939–1946

51%

Olszowska K. W.

Folia Historica Cracoviensia

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2021

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vol. 27

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issue 2

43-61

PL

Morze Czarne oraz cieśniny czarnomorskie podczas II wojny światowej i zaraz po jej zakończeniu miały istotny wpływ na kształtowanie się relacji turecko-sowieckich. Już na początku wojny Moskwa starała się wymusić na Ankarze rewizję traktatu z Montreux. Naciski sowieckie uzależnione były od sytuacji wojennej, powróciły, gdy Alianci zaczęli zyskiwać przewagę w konflikcie. W 1945 roku Turcja, obawiając się braku poparcia w przypadku konfliktu ze Związkiem Radzieckim, gotowa była na ustępstwa, w następnym roku Moskwa coraz śmielej zaczęła w swoich notach domagać się rewizji traktatu z Montreux w taki sposób, aby o Cieśninach decydowały państwa czarnomorskie, a na straży bezpieczeństwa Bosforu i Dardanele stały Turcja i Związek Radziecki. Ankarę mogło w tym okresie uratować tylko wsparcie zachodnie – a w dłuższym kontekście wybuch zimnej wojny.

EN

The Black Sea and the Black Sea Straits during World War II and immediately after its end had a huge impact on the formation of Turkish-Soviet relations. Already at the beginning of the war, Moscow tried to force Ankara to revise the Montreux Treaty. Soviet pressure depended on the war situation and resurfaced as the Allies began winning the war. In 1945, Turkey, fearing a lack of support in the event of a conflict with the Soviet Union, was ready to make concessions, and in the following year Moscow began to boldly demand a revision of the Montreux Treaty in its notes in such a way that the straits would be decided by the Black Sea states, and the security guards Turkey and the Soviet Union were to become the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles. Ankara could only have been saved by Western support during this period - and in the longer context by the outbreak of the Cold War.

Refine search results

Black Sea or Black Saphire: A Constructive Approach to Black Sea Security Boosting Geo-Strategic Importance of the Black Sea

Wurde Tyras in das Römische Reich inkorporiert? Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Römischen Anwesenheit an der Nördlichen Schwarzmeerküste

The effect of water bodies and water courses on WWII warfare in the Black Sea area between 1941 and 1942

Lamps with "temple facade" decoration: witness to urban vitality in the northern and western Black Sea and the ties with Constantinople

Зовнішня політика й національна безпека Румунії у контексті агресії Росії проти України

Superbia Genueńczyków w połowie XIV wieku w oczach bizantyńskich i weneckich historyków i kronikarzy

Baltic – Black Sea Area as a Geopolitical Reality: Does It Exist?

UKRAINIAN-ROMANIAN RELATIONS AT THE BACKGROUND OF RUSSIA’S REVISIONIST POLICY

Turkey and the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC)

The significance of the Black Sea in Turko-Soviet relations in 1939–1946