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Drogi i bezdroża życia „prawdziwego komunisty”. Kilka uwag na marginesie książki Piotra Lipińskiego

100%
Chrobaczyńska-Plucińska E.
Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne
|
2018
|
vol. 6
302-310
PL
Piotr Lipiński’s work entitled Bierut. Kiedy partia była bogiem (Bierut. When the Party Was God) is an interested contribution to capturing the history of Stalinism in Poland. Bolesław Bierut is one of the key figures of the period when Poland was subjected to Stalinisation (1944/1945–1956). This biography is characterised by its inconsistence and variedness while at the same time the topicality of the historical process and experience shared by millions of citizens of the Polish People’s Republic. It is no typical historical biography but a multifaceted biographical reportage, written lightly yet drawing on solid research techniques used by historians as well as correctly anchored in source material. The novelty here consists in original interviews with Bierut’s former collaborators as well as persons who have come into contact withhim. This has allowed the Author to offer Bierut’s both microscale – referring to his personallife – and macroscale picture (the latter by sketching his figure against broader constituent partsof a historical process).
2
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Enslavement of the Church in Poland in 1953

89%
Marek Ł.
The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II
|
2019
|
vol. 9
|
issue 2
PL
The accord entered into by and between representatives of state and Church authorities on April 14th 1950 did not protect the Catholic Church from further repression. On February 9th 1953, the State Council decreed with regard to the filling of ecclesiastical posts in the Church. Through such normative, the state authorities awarded themselves the right to interfere with the human resources aspect of religious creed. A categorical objection (Non possumus!) to this policy determined the imprisonment of the Primate Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński. The primate’s detention offered proper political conditions to engage in this and other campaigns targeting the authority, independence, and identity of the Catholic Church. The clergy’s influence on public life was restrained, and the Church was deprived of independence. It might well be assumed that were it not for events of October 1956, the Church in Poland would have been permanently subjugated to the State.
3
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Enslavement of the Church in Poland in 1953

88%
Marek Ł.
The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II
|
2019
|
vol. 9
|
issue 2
53-68
EN
The accord entered into by and between representatives of state and Church authorities on April 14th 1950 did not protect the Catholic Church from further repression. On February 9th 1953, the State Council decreed with regard to the filling of ecclesiastical posts in the Church. Through such normative, the state authorities awarded themselves the right to interfere with the human resources aspect of religious creed. A categorical objection (Non possumus!) to this policy determined the imprisonment of the Primate Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński. The primate’s detention offered proper political conditions to engage in this and other campaigns targeting the authority, independence, and identity of the Catholic Church. The clergy’s influence on public life was restrained, and the Church was deprived of independence. It might well be assumed that were it not for events of October 1956, the Church in Poland would have been permanently subjugated to the State.
4
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Ułaskawienia Prezydenta Bieruta. Losy wniosków o ułaskawienie skazanych przez sądy wojskowe (1947-1952)

76%
Wojciechowski G.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
1995
|
issue XXI
153-189
EN
The study deals with the procedure and practice of granting pardons by the President of Republic of Poland Bolesław Bierut to persons convicted ty mortial courts. Analyzed have been the years 1947–1952, that is President Bierut’s term in office. Before, in the years 1944–1947, he was President of the National People’s Council, and afterwards, from 1952 till his death in 1956 – President of the Council of State. The 1947–1952 period has been selected for analysis not only for the above formal reason of President Bierut’s term in office. Bierut had the powers to grant pardons also as President of the National People’s Council (1944–1947) and, later on, as President of the Council of State (1952–1956). Thus the years 1947–1952 have been chosen for substantive reasons, too, as they were the period of particularly intense penal repression applied by courts mortial in Poland. It was directed chiefly against political opponents – real and alleged alike – of the new regime. Finally, the archival resources of the Civil Chancellery of President of Republic of Poland, kept in the Archives of New Files in Warsaw, make it possible in principle to fully reconstruct the procedure and practice of granting pardons. In the years 1947–1952, while holding the office of President of Republic of Poland, Bolesław Bierut was also leader (lst Secretary) of the ruling Colmmunist Party: first the Polish Workers’ Party and then, from December 1948 on, Polish United Workers’ Party. The author discusses the particularly repressive nature of law as applied by courts mortial to which also common courts reported. He also points out that the law was infringed quite freely by the investigating agencies, public prosecutors, and finally by courts mortial. Severe penalties were therefore imposed not only on the real but also on alleged opponents of the new regime. The investigating and prosecuting agencies concocted criminal cases of persons who were innocent under the law, and the courts sentenced those persons. This way, the Polish administration of justice was involved in political struggle. Its ideological justification was provided by Joseph Stalin’s theory of intensification of class struggle with progressing building of so-called “socialism” which found it legal expression in a theory, formulated by a Soviet politician and lawyer Andrei Vishinsky, on the defendant’s admission of guilt (forced by torture, of course) as the crown evidence in judicial proceedings. The author stresses that in his capacity as leader of the ruling Party and at the same time Head  of State, Bolesław Bierut actually initiated many political trials based on faked investigation and often leading to the defendant being sentenced to death by a court mortial. According to the statutory procedure, such defendants then petitioned President Bierut for pardon which means that the case actually made a full circle. The author states that the middle level agencies of administration of justice notified the leaders of the ruling Party of glaring breaches of the law but the information never met with any response. The author points to numerous formal defects in the application of the pardon procedure; for example, some decisions refusing pardon do not even bear the President’s signature. The petitions, filed by the convicted person or his family or examined ex officio were in most cases accompanied by a negative opinion of the Supreme Military Court and Chief Military Prosecutor’s Office. There were cases in which a person sentenced to death in summary proceedings was actually executed without the obligatory pardon procedure. In one case, pardon was probably refused after the actual execution. The opposite also happened: convicted persons were not executed despite the fact that pardon had been refused to them. The reason was that they were needed in other penal proceedings. The duration of pardon proceedings – of special importance in the case of death sentences – was not regulated by law and ranged from three days to three months. The author analyzes petitions for pardon filed by persons convicted by courts mortial. There were the total of 2,591 such petitions, including 1,813 (about 70%) filed by persons sentenced to capital punishment. The President of Republic of Poland pardoned 589 persons or 32% of all those sentenced to death. There were among them both common criminals and political offenders. It is most difficult to guess the motives of the President (or his closest associates) which guided his decisions on pardon. In some cases, he simply followed the opinion of persons with whom he reckoned. The President’s discretion – the essence of the right of pardon – can be supposed to have played the smallest part. The procedure and practice of the exercise by President of Republic of Poland of his right of pardon was among the elements of the practice of lawbreaking in Poland in the years 1947–1952.
5
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Stalinism in Poland

63%
Musiał F.
The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II
|
2019
|
vol. 9
|
issue 2
9-23
EN
The article presents, in a synthetic manner, the mechanism of introducing the Stalinist system in Poland and describes its essence. It points to the importance of – until now given less value in the relevant literature – the mechanism of elimination of institutions and persons representing the constitutional order and state-creating social fabric, as well as introducing in their place representatives of the lowest social classes and institutions impersonating Polish centres of power, but in fact fully dependent on the USSR. The text focuses on political and social issues, as well as on the extensive ­repression apparatus.
6
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Stalinism in Poland

62%
Musiał F.
The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II
|
2019
|
vol. 9
|
issue 2
PL
The article presents, in a synthetic manner, the mechanism of introducing the Stalinist system in Poland and describes its essence. It points to the importance of – until now given less value in the relevant literature – the mechanism of elimination of institutions and persons representing the constitutional order and state-creating social fabric, as well as introducing in their place representatives of the lowest social classes and institutions impersonating Polish centres of power, but in fact fully dependent on the USSR. The text focuses on political and social issues, as well as on the extensive ­repression apparatus.
7
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„Cały kraj serdecznie wita swego pierwszego obywatela”. Przebieg obchodów 60. rocznicy urodzin Bolesława Bieruta na łamach „Trybuny Ludu”

62%
Bednarczyk M. J.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio F – Historia
|
2014
|
vol. 69
EN
Bolesław Bierut, the President of Poland (1947–1952) and from 1948 the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party, was a leading political figure of postwar Poland. The paper analyses the way in which the propaganda machine associated with “People’s Tribune” (“Trybuna Ludu”), an official media outlet of the Polish United Workers’ Party, presented the celebrations of Bierut’s 60th birthday. On the 18th and 19th of April 1952, thirty news items mentioning the celebrations of Bierut’s 60th birthday were published, ranging from congratulation letters to reports on meeting production targets by factories and individual workers. Official ceremonies constituted an attempt of the Polish regime to create a cult of Bolesław Bierut and were inspired by the similar ones organized by the Kremlin and associated with Joseph Stalin’s cult of personality. The Soviet propaganda was a clear source of inspiration for “People’s Tribune” whose aim was to demonstrate how lavishly the communist society celebrated Bierut’s birthday. Nevertheless, the official enthusiasm was not shared by all readers.
PL
W Polsce powojennej czołową postacią był Bolesław Bierut, prezydent RP w latach 1947–1952, od 1948 r. I sekretarz Komitetu Centralnego Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej. W rozprawie podjęto temat propagandowego obrazu obchodów 60. rocznicy urodzin Bieruta, ukazanego w artykułach „Trybuny Ludu”, naczelnym organie prasowym PZPR. W dniach 18–19 kwietnia 1952 r. opublikowano 30 wzmianek poświęconych obchodom, w tym listy gratulacyjne i potwierdzenia wykonania zobowiązań podjętych dla uczczenia wydarzenia przez zakłady pracy i osoby prywatne. Oficjalne ceremonie miały stanowić element kultu jednostki Bieruta. Widoczne są także podobieństwa z uroczystościami związanymi z osobą Józefa Stalina, które wpłynęły na krajowe obchody, a poszczególne etapy przygotowań były nawiązaniem do rytuału odbywającego się na Kremlu. Opis przedstawianych wydarzeń był przesiąknięty propagandą wzorowaną na tej rozpowszechnionej w Związku Radzieckim. Celem było pokazanie, w jak uroczysty sposób społeczeństwo czciło rocznicę, wizja ta nie była jednak bezkrytycznie przyjmowana przez czytelników.
8
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Obchody 60. rocznicy urodzin Bolesława Bieruta na łamach „Życia Lubelskiego”. Studium poznawcze

62%
Bednarczyk M. J.
Bibliotekarz Lubelski
|
2015-2016
|
issue 58/59
127-160
EN
One of the most-popular sources of information is the press, which belongs to the oldest mass media. In the period of The People's Poland, when the State was controlled by the communists, printed publications constituted an important source of legitimacy for authority. The foreground figure described at that time was Bolesław Bierut, President of Poland and Chairman of the Polish United Workers' Party. In order to show how the image of a leader was created in the press of the time, the article depicts how the editorial staff of "Życie Lubelskie", a newspaper that was the protoplast of "Kurier Lubelski", presented the commemoration of the 60th anniversary of birth of Bierut, which fell on 18 April 1952. The quality analysis of the press material dedicated to the celebrations, including a reflection on the amount of space taken up by the articles related to the event, as well as the assessment of the visual devices used and their effectiveness, prove that the anniversary was the most-important topic in the analysed period. The linguistic analysis of the references to Bierut confirms the premise that particular emphasis was put on a majestic and idealised portrayal of the figure. All the conclusions drawn are evaluated, along with research conducted by press experts, both in Poland and in the countries of the West. Also important is the take on the issue in the context of propaganda and party newspeak, including the entire ideological apparatus used by the communists.
RU
Пресса – один из более распространенных и самых старых среди СМИ источников информаций. Во время Польской Народной Республики, когда правили коммунисты, печатные издательства были важным источником легитимности власти. Главным описываемым тогда лицом был Болеслав Берут, президент Польши и председатель Польской объединенной рабочей партии. Чтобы показать, как в тогдашней прессе строился портрет вождя, в статье указывается, каким образом в «Люблинской жизни» (которая была предшественником «Люблинского курьера») описывался юбилей 60-летия Берута (18 IV 1952). Анализ количества материала посвященного празднику вместе с рефлексией об месте, которое занимали статьи на эту тему, а также оценка визуальных средств и их эффективности свидетельствуют о том, что годовщина была тогда самой главной темой. Анализ языка информаций связанных с Берутом подтверждает, что главной целью было идеализировать и указать величие вождя. Все выводы были сопоставлены с исследованиями теоретиков прессы так в Польше, как и на Западе. Важным является также указание проблемы в контексте тогдашней пропаганды и партийного новояза вместе с использованным коммунистами идеологическим аппаратом.
PL
Jednym z najbardziej rozpowszechnionych źródeł informacji jest prasa, należąca do najstarszych mediów masowych. W okresie Polski Ludowej, gdy państwem rządzili komuniści, wydawnictwa drukowane stanowiły ważne źródło legitymizacji władzy. Pierwszoplanową opisywaną wówczas postacią był Bolesław Bierut, Prezydent RP i przewodniczący Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej. Aby pokazać w jaki sposób w ówczesnej prasie kreowano wizerunek przywódcy, w artykule ukazano, jak redakcja „Życia Lubelskiego”, dziennika będącego protoplastą „Kuriera Lubelskiego”, prezentowała obchody 60. rocznicy urodzin Bieruta, przypadającej na 18 IV 1952 r. Analiza ilościowa materiału prasowego poświęconego uroczystościom, wraz z refleksją nad powierzchnią zajmowaną przez artykuły związane z wydarzeniem, a także ocena stosowanych środków wizualnych i ich skuteczności udowodni, iż rocznica była w badanym okresie tematem najważniejszym. Analiza językowa wzmianek związanych z Bierutem potwierdza tezę, iż szczególny nacisk położono na majestatyczne i wyidealizowane ukazanie postaci. Wszelkie wyciągnięte wnioski skonfrontowano z badaniami, prowadzonymi przez prasoznawców zarówno w Polsce, jak i w państwach Zachodu. Ważne jest również ujęcie problemu w kontekście ówczesnej propagandy i nowomowy partyjnej, wraz z całym stosowanym przez komunistów aparatem ideologicznym.
9
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Statut Biura Specjalnego MBP

62%
Spałek R.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
|
2018
|
issue 32
520-529
PL
W Polsce między 1948 r. a 1956 r. doszło do czystek partyjnych w elitach komunistycznych (PPR–PZPR). Poszukiwania „wrogów wewnętrznych” prowadziła specjalna tajna komórka MBP, początkowo zwana grupą specjalną (1948), następnie Biurem Specjalnym (1950), w końcu Departamentem X MBP (1951–1954). Całość prac tych komórek nadzorował z polecenia kierownictwa PZPR gen. Roman Romkowski (wiceminister MBP). We wstępie artykułu nakreślono krótko historię powstania Biura Specjalnego, wskazano osoby decydujące o lokalnym zasięgu i przebiegu poszukiwań „wrogów wewnętrznych” (m.in. Bolesława Bieruta, Jakuba Bermana, Romana Romkowskego) oraz wspomniano o reprezentatywnych dla całego zagadnienia komunistach (m.in. Władysławie Gomułce, Marianie Spychalskim, Włodzimierzu Lechowiczu, Leonie Gecowie, Hermannie Fieldzie), którzy byli aresztowani, więzieni i przesłuchi wani pod fałszywymi zarzutami zdrady, współpracy z obcymi wywiadami, dążenia do przewrotu ustrojowego w Polsce Ludowej. Publikowany w dalszej części dokument ukazuje moment przemiany niesformalizowanej, tajnej grupy specjalnej MBP, działającej pod kierownictwem płk. Józefa Różańskiego, w sformalizowaną, wyposażoną w etaty, choć nadal niejawną jednostkę – Biuro Specjalne, zarządzaną przez płk. Anatola Fejgina. Struktura ta funkcjonowała niespełna dwa lata, ponieważ rozrastający się terror autoagresywny wymagał kolejnej reorganizacji tajnej struktury. Nowo powołany Departament X MBP objął swoim zasięgiem cały kraj.
EN
Party cleansing in the communist elites (PWP-PUWP) took place in Poland between 1948 and 1956. The search for “internal enemies” was conducted by a special secret unit of the MPS, initially called a special group (1948), then the Special Office (1950), and finally Department X of the MPS (1951–1954). Work of these units was supervised by Gen. Roman Romkowski (deputy minister at the MPS) by order of the management of the Polish United Workers’ Party. The introduction of the article briefly outlines the history of the establishment of the Special Office, indicates the persons deciding on the local scope and course of the search for “internal enemies” (including Bolesław Bierut, Jakub Berman, Roman Romkowski) and mentions communists representative of the whole issue (inter alia, Władysław Gomułka, Marian Spychalski, Włodzimierz Lechowicz, Leon Gecow, Hermann Field), who were arrested, imprisoned and interrogated under false allegations of treason, cooperation with foreign intelligence, striving for a systemic coup in “Polska Ludowa.” The document published further shows the moment of transformation of the non-formalised, secret special group of the MPS, operating under the direction of Col. Józef Różański, into a formalised, still secret, unit with fulltime employees – the Special Office, managed by Col. Anatol Fejgin. This structure was functioning for less than two years because the growing auto-aggressive terror required another reorganisation of the secret structure. The newly established Department X of the MPS covered the entire country.
10
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Obchody 60. rocznicy rodzin Bolesława Bieruta na łamach „Życia Lubelskiego”. Studium poznawcze

62%
Bednarczyk M. J.
Bibliotekarz Lubelski
|
2015-2016
|
issue 58/59
127-160
EN
One of the most-popular sources of information is the press, which belongs to the oldest mass media. In the period of The People's Poland, when the State was controlled by the communists, printed publications constituted an important source of legitimacy for authority. The foreground figure described at that time was Bolesław Bierut, President of Poland and Chairman of the Polish United Workers' Party. In order to show how the image of a leader was created in the press of the time, the article depicts how the editorial staff of "Życie Lubelskie", a newspaper that was the protoplast of "Kurier Lubelski", presented the commemoration of the 60th anniversary of birth of Bierut, which fell on 18 April 1952. The quality analysis of the press material dedicated to the celebrations, including a reflection on the amount of space taken up by the articles related to the event, as well as the assessment of the visual devices used and their effectiveness, prove that the anniversary was the most-important topic in the analysed period. The linguistic analysis of the references to Bierut confirms the premise that particular emphasis was put on a majestic and idealised portrayal of the figure. All the conclusions drawn are evaluated, along with research conducted by press experts, both in Poland and in the countries of the West. Also important is the take on the issue in the context of propaganda and party newspeak, including the entire ideological apparatus used by the communists.
RU
Пресса – один из более распространенных и самых старых среди СМИ источников информаций. Во время Польской Народной Республики, когда правили коммунисты, печатные издательства были важным источником легитимности власти. Главным описываемым тогда лицом был Болеслав Берут, президент Польши и председатель Польской объединенной рабочей партии. Чтобы показать, как в тогдашней прессе строился портрет вождя, в статье указывается, каким образом в «Люблинской жизни» (которая была предшественником «Люблинского курьера») описывался юбилей 60-летия Берута (18 IV 1952). Анализ количества материала посвященного празднику вместе с рефлексией об месте, которое занимали статьи на эту тему, а также оценка визуальных средств и их эффективности свидетельствуют о том, что годовщина была тогда самой главной темой. Анализ языка информаций связанных с Берутом подтверждает, что главной целью было идеализировать и указать величие вождя. Все выводы были сопоставлены с исследованиями теоретиков прессы так в Польше, как и на Западе. Важным является также указание проблемы в контексте тогдашней пропаганды и партийного новояза вместе с использованным коммунистами идеологическим аппаратом.
PL
Jednym z najbardziej rozpowszechnionych źródeł informacji jest prasa, należąca do najstarszych mediów masowych. W okresie Polski Ludowej, gdy państwem rządzili komuniści, wydawnictwa drukowane stanowiły ważne źródło legitymizacji władzy. Pierwszoplanową opisywaną wówczas postacią był Bolesław Bierut, Prezydent RP i przewodniczący Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej. Aby pokazać w jaki sposób w ówczesnej prasie kreowano wizerunek przywódcy, w artykule ukazano, jak redakcja „Życia Lubelskiego”, dziennika będącego protoplastą „Kuriera Lubelskiego”, prezentowała obchody 60. rocznicy urodzin Bieruta, przypadającej na 18 IV 1952 r. Analiza ilościowa materiału prasowego poświęconego uroczystościom, wraz z refleksją nad powierzchnią zajmowaną przez artykuły związane z wydarzeniem, a także ocena stosowanych środków wizualnych i ich skuteczności udowodni, iż rocznica była w badanym okresie tematem najważniejszym. Analiza językowa wzmianek związanych z Bierutem potwierdza tezę, iż szczególny nacisk położono na majestatyczne i wyidealizowane ukazanie postaci. Wszelkie wyciągnięte wnioski skonfrontowano z badaniami, prowadzonymi przez prasoznawców zarówno w Polsce, jak i w państwach Zachodu. Ważne jest również ujęcie problemu w kontekście ówczesnej propagandy i nowomowy partyjnej, wraz z całym stosowanym przez komunistów aparatem ideologicznym.
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