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EN
The purpose of this article is to analyze the reforms and development of public administration and public bureaucracy in Lithuania from the prism of the post-Soviet transformation concept. In other words, the effort is to establish a continuation of the features of the Soviet bureaucratic - administrative system, to the extent these can be discussed, and their influence on the public bureaucracy of the independent Republic of Lithuania. It is being ascertained that the purpose of the reforms in Lithuania's State civil services was to develop a stable, professional and politically neutral public bureaucracy; i.e., a classical bureaucracy based on Max Weber's type of an ideal bureaucracy. Certain aspects of reforms were successfully implemented. However, at the behavioural level, the public bureaucracy in post-Soviet Lithuania is still predominately a variant of a pseudo-bureaucracy.One unforeseen outcome of the reforms was a weakening of political control over the bureaucracy. This occurred, because needed attention was not paid to the two-fold nature of politicization. Along with personnel management that is politicized, the functional politicization of the upper levels of civil service is also known. The latter is specifically considered one of the prerequisites for the successful implementation of public policy, adequate to the political control of public administration. Actualization of plans for the functional re-politicization of senior officials was undertaken after the 2008 elections to the Seimas [parliamentary body] of the Republic of Lithuania. These should not be assessed as a political whim but as a necessary response to the situation which had formed.
EN
Meetings are common in contemporary working life, but they are often overlooked in academic studies and sometimes defined as empty or boring by employees. Yet, the meeting society is being reproduced again and again. There seem to be hidden ways to incorporate meetings into today’s working life without arousing critique about pointless activities and deviations from what should really be done. One strategy was illustrated in a study of a transnational police project. Police culture celebrates visible crime fighting, which is associated with action, physical toughness, and capturing criminals. The police officers involved in the project emphasized the need to avoid “a lot of meetings,” but de facto constructed their project as meetings. Nonetheless, the project was declared a success. We analyze this paradox in terms of boundary work concerning meetings; the police officers turned some meetings into “real police work” by discursively and practically removing them from the category of bureaucracy and its associations with formalities, rigidity, and documentation. The most important example is how an “operational action group meeting” was renamed “power weeks,” eradicating the very word “meeting” from the term. This was closely associated with increased informality and multi-tasking during these gatherings.
EN
The book addresses issues related to labor market policy, shows the relevant mechanisms of its research, programming and implementation, and its subject is, in particular, the analysis of the situation of employees of employment offices and the unemployed themselves. The book is multidimensional. For me, the first part, in which the author presents his view on trends in the policy of the labor market that are decreasing in the environment of our science, presents to me a special focus. Recognizes the disproportionate emphasis on the analysis of legal acts, on "official documents, on target-set objectives, often unrealistic." He points to the dean of the research perspective in which the official who is the "face of the state" is present, which determines the quality of public service , de "perspectives of the final recipient", i.e. a citizen (quality of services for a citizen).
PL
Książka porusza zagadnienia dotyczące polityki rynku pracy, pokazuje istotne mechanizmy jej badania, programowania i wdrażania, a jej przedmiotem jest zwłaszcza analiza sytuacji pracowników urzędów pracy i samych bezrobotnych. Książka jest wielowymiarowa. Dla mnie szczególne znaczenie ma pierwsza część, w której autorka przedstawia swoje spojrzenie na istniejące w środowisku naszej nauki tendencje w zakresie sposobów badania zjawisk w polityce rynku pracy. Dostrzega nieproporcjonalny nacisk na analizę aktów prawnych, specjalnych dokumentów, na odgórnie wyznaczane cele, często nierealistyczne. Wskazuje na deficyt perspektywy badawczej, w której obecny jest urzędnik będący "twarzą państwa", od którego pracy zależy jakość usługi publicznej, deficyt perspektywy "końcowego odbiorcy", czyli obywatela (jakość usług dla obywatela).
EN
The society is a complex formation consisting of relations, impacts and roles. The need of satisfying the needs was embedded into the society as a mechanism providing the coherence. The democracy acting on the basis of the abstract rule of equality before the law, requires the usage of different mechanisms which guarantee the continuity of the law system. As the bureaucracy became a part of the social organism functioning within the capitalistic and democratic conditions, it enabled the change of the community actions into rational and regular ones.
Przegląd Socjologiczny
|
2012
|
vol. 61
|
issue 4
123-142
EN
There are different forms by which the state bureaucracy relates to social movements in the realm of agrarian reform policies in Brazil. A number of possible connections and very complex relations have been taking shape over the last 30 years. Possible connections include institutional spaces for discussion, but also a number of informal relations between bureaucrats and social movement mediators. I would argue that the literature on participatory democracy is not the best approach to analyze this wide-ranging scope of connections, inasmuch as it assumes the existence of two different and separate actors - the state and the civil society – and usually considers the state as a monolithic actor while focusing on civil society. In fact, the diversity of formats by which social movements relate to state bureaucracy can be apprehended more fully by the actor-network approach, as this gives the researcher tools to account for connections taking place in different sites and in a multiplicity of formats, as well as to analyze their effects on actors’ agency during the political process. Data that supports this argument is drawn from ethnographical research within the Brazilian state institution in charge of implementing agrarian reform policies, INCRA (National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform). By focusing on how the bureaucracy understands and reacts to one of the most organized and mobilized beneficiary publics in the Brazilian political arena, this investigation presents some interesting findings regarding the complexity of networks in which bureaucrats are entangled and their effects on the negotiation and implementati of policies claimed by rural social movements. In what follows I discuss some of these findings in light of participatory democracy and theoretical actor-network contributions
PL
i ruchów społecznych. Wiele możliwych i złożonych powiązań dało się zauważyć w ciągu ostatnich 30 lat. Możliwe powiązania wskazują na przestrzeń instytucjonalną dla dyskusji, ale także na wiele relacji nieformalnych miedzy biurokratami i mediatorami ze strony ruchów społecznych. Literatura nt. demokracji uczestniczącej (partycypacyjnej) nie jest najlepszym środkiem do analizy tego wielkiego obszaru powiązań, ponieważ stwierdza się w niej, że mamy dwóch oddzielnych aktorów: państwo i społeczeństwo obywatelskie i że państwo jest aktorem monolitycznym. Zróżnicowanie możliwych form relacji ruchów społecznych i biurokracji może być lepiej badane przy zastosowaniu podejścia „actor-network” (aktor w sieci), ponieważ podejście to daje badaczowi narzędzie obserwacji powiązań w różnych miejscach i formach, jak również narzędzie do analizy ich wpływu na działania aktorów w procesie politycznym. Dane potwierdzające ten argument pochodzą z etnograficznych badań w Brazylijskich instytucjach państwowych, które wprowadzają reformę rolną, INCRA (National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform). Badanie skoncentrowano na tym, jak biurokracja rozumie i reaguje na jedną z najlepiej zorganizowanych i zmobilizowanych publicznych akcji na brazylijskiej arenie politycznej. Przedstawia ono interesujące wyniki dotyczące złożoności sieci, w których są uwikłani biurokraci oraz skutki dla negocjacji i implementacji polityki rewindykowanej przez wiejskie ruchy społeczne. W artykule omawia się niektóre wyniki badania w świetle teorii demokracji partycypacyjnej i teorii „aktor w sieci”.
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