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EN
The question about the limits of law enables us to look at law from the point of view of its practical concepts, a perspective determining the understanding of juridical activities. The author's argument demonstrates the political character of different concepts of law as well as their interdependency. On the other hand, the comparison of the juridical and political activities shows us the unavoidable contradictions between the above mentioned spheres of action. The thesis that there is an 'unfortunate partnership of law and politics' focuses on concrete social situations. They highlight the paradoxical intersections of juridical and political perspectives. Civil disobedience is a good example of a situation which can only be understood when the pragmatical model of law is applied. Moreover, the creative dimension of every individual implementation of norms needs to be taken into consideration.
EN
The paper addresses key problems of modern democracy and its instability in the context of social change. The author claims that civil disobedience along with culture of non-conformism play a crucial role among the institutions of which democratic order consists. Civil disobedience is a factor of democratic stability even though its occurrence may seem to be incidental. The main reason for this claim is the fact that civil disobedience defines democratic values transcending the rule of law i. e. values that constantly define the socially desired form of the civil community and its understanding of justice.
EN
The paper deals with the concept of civil disobedience and attempts to analyse it in the light of the works of Henry David Thoreau, Hannah Arendt and John Rawls, as well as other authors such as Ronald Dworkin or Phillip Dobler. The paper also explains the relationship between civil disobedience and other terms such as Max Weber’s three types of authority, legitimacy and the right to resistance. In its final section it seeks to find the meaning and purpose of civil disobedience for contemporary liberal democracy while trying to follow on in this perspective from the ideological heritage left to us by philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Jean Jacques Rousseau.
PL
Artykuł stanowi wprowadzenie do tematyki związanej z religijno-społecznym ruchem New Sanctuary Movement, który pomaga nieudokumentowanym imigrantom w USA uniknąć deportacji. Chociaż swoją działalność opiera na biblijnym prawie do schronienia na terenie świątyni, to nie wszyscy chrześcijanie popierają jego istnienie. Tematyka ta jest szczególnie aktualna w czasie prezydentury Donalda Trumpa, ponieważ ograniczenie dotacji ze środków federalnych na tzw. sanctuary cities, czyli stany, hrabstwa lub miasta należące do New Sanctuary Movement było kluczowym punktem jego programu wyborczego „Make America Great Again”. Działalność New Sanctuary Movement została analizowana w kontekście koncepcji obywatelskiego nieposłuszeństwa.
EN
The article is an introduction to the subject matter of the New Sanctuary Movement. The New Sanctuary Movement is a religious-political organization which helps undocumented US immigrants avoid deportation. Although its activity is based on the biblical right to shelter in a sanctuary, not all Christians support its existence. This topic is particularly important during Donald Trump’s presidency, since cutting off all federal funds to the so-called sanctuary cities – states, counties or cities which belong to the New Sanctuary Movement, was a key point of his “Make America Great Again” election program. The activity of the New Sanctuary Movement has been analyzed from within the context of the concept of civil disobedience.
EN
The article focuses on the diversity of attitudes that Black churches presented toward the social protest of the civil rights era. Although their activity has been often perceived only through the prism of Martin Luther King’s involvement, in fact they presented many different attitudes to the civil rights campaigns. They were never unanimous about social and political engagement and their to various responses to the Civil Rights Movement were partly connected to theological divisions among them and the diversity of Black Christianity (a topic not well-researched in Poland). For years African American churches served as centers of the Black community and fulfilled many functions of ethnic churches (as well as of other ethnic institutions), but the scope of these functions varied greatly – also during the time of the Civil Rights Movement. Therefore, the main aim of this article is to analyze the whole spectrum of Black churches’ attitudes to the civil rights protests, paying special attention to the approaches and strategies that are generally less known.
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