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1

PALESTINIANS AND THE OUTBREAK OF CIVIL WAR IN LEBANON (1975)

100%
Michaľák T.
Asian and African Studies
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2013
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vol. 22
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issue 1
112 – 130
EN
After its expulsion from Jordan in 1970, the Palestinian liberation movement began to operate from south Lebanon, where the mountains around Mt. Hermon offered favourable natural conditions for guerrilla activities. The weakness of the Lebanese state and support from some Lebanese factions and Arab states enabled the Palestinians to build a state within a state in Lebanon (similar to the one they had previously built in Jordan) with refugee camps under Palestinian control, all important Palestinian organizations having an independent base in Beirut and widespread infrastructure and fortifications in southern Lebanon. Palestinian guerrilla squads carried out attacks against Israel or fired rockets into their territory. There was a permanent cycle of Palestinian attacks and Israeli retaliations. However, Israeli bombing affected not only Palestinians but also Lebanese from the countryside – especially Shiites, thousands of whom were forced to flee their homes and move to the crowded suburbs of Beirut, angered by a government that did not protect them from the Palestinians or the Israelis. Moreover, conflicts arose between Palestinian armed groups and the Lebanese army, which was trying to prevent the assaults. Political tension in Lebanon was growing.
2

14. pułk piechoty z Luizjany w wojnie secesyjnej w latach 1861–1865

100%
Niewiński Ł.
Białostockie Teki Historyczne
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2013
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vol. 11
95-116
EN
The 14th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, called “Polish regiment” has not been properly elaborated in Polish and American historiography. The research on the topic was started by the author of this text in 2007. The aim of this article is to present statistical data concerning this unit, consisting of 1296 soldiers. The recruitment for the unit began in the second half of May 1861, and the majority of the volunteers came from New Orleans. Only 556 soldiers (42.9%) disclosed their age. The average soldier was 26.5 years old. The name John was the most popular (198 – at least 15.3%) of 138 names in the regiment. 641 (49.4%) soldiers revealed their occupation. Among 60 occupations, physical workers were the most numerous (301). On the basis of the data provided by 666 soldiers (51.3%) concerning their place of birth, it may be concluded that 290 of them were born in America, whereas 376 – abroad. Among the representatives of 13 foreign nations, the Irish were the most numerous – 249. The place of residence was disclosed by a half of the soldiers of the regiment (648). As many as 456 of them resided in New Orleans. During the conflict, 33 officers resigned from the service and 105 people (8.1%) were exempted, as, for health reasons, they were unfit for military service. During the functioning of the regiment, at least 280 soldiers (21.6%) deserted. Additionally, 36 soldiers (among them 7 officers) had trials before martial courts. According to the sources, 138 soldiers of the regiment (10.6%) were killed, 115 people (8.87%) died and at least 299 veterans (23%) were wounded. During the war at least 350
3
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ETHNIC LEGENDS IN THE GRAY ZONES OF HISTORY: THE CASE OF GERMANS IN THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR

100%
Helbich W.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2014
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vol. 40
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issue 1 (151)
71-88
EN
Even if not as intensive as a hundred years ago, or during the “ethnic revival” of the seventies, but again growing with the internet, there is a competition in North America between ethnicities for attention, recognition, respect, and sympathy. There are various players, the leadership in clubs and in organizing festivals and parades, musical events, producers of websites, the foreign-language press, the relevant university departments, even, indirectly, foreign governments. And, of course, there is grass-roots prejudice that is meant to be cultivated. Historical legends are, of course, not the only means to boost ethnic ego and prestige. The essay deals with the ethnic legends about the Civil War period that have been present in German-American historiography.
4
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GERMAN-AMERICAN RADICALS, ANTEBELLUM POLITICS, AND THE CIVIL WAR

100%
Keil H.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2014
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vol. 40
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issue 1 (151)
57-70
EN
Immigration from German-speaking countries to the United States rose dramatically after the mid-1840s, especially after the failed revolution of 1848-49. By the outbreak of the Civil War close to one million Germans had settled especially in Midwestern territories and states. The group contributed increasingly to the numbers of eligible voters, since Midwestern states, hoping to attract new settlers, liberalized their naturalization laws which allowed immigrants to vote even after receiving their “first papers,” i.e. after applying for naturalization as early as twelve months after their arrival in the new country. The votes of both groups were increasingly sought by the political parties. While the immigrant vote overwhelmingly favored the Democratic Party, because it offered protection and patronage in the face of nativist sentiments, the new Republican Party also made inroads into the German vote. The article points to the reasons for involvement of German radicals in antebellum politics and immigrants’ activity in the Republican Party despite apparent ideological and generational differences. The issue that helped unite liberals, radicals, and workers in this decade, was slavery and the fight for the abolition of this institution: whether in the media, or the political, and later, the military battleground.
5

IRAQ 1963: THE SHORT RULE OF THE BA‛TH

100%
Sorby K. R.
Asian and African Studies
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2009
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vol. 18
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issue 1
16 - 39
EN
In the circumstances of a military dictatorship, there was no alternative for a civilian group other than to persuade a faction of young officers opposed to ‛Abdalkarīm Qāsim’s rule to raise an open military rebellion, even at the risk of provoking civil war. The group that was ready to influence officers likely to take action was, of course, the Ba‛th Party. Its members had the reputation of not being afraid to face danger in their struggle against military dictatorship ever since their unsuccessful attempt on ‛Abdalkarīm Qāsim’s life in 1959. When they finally succeeded in carrying out one of these plots, of which the margin of success was not very great, on 8 February 1963, the army turned to them to govern the country. Once in power, they had a golden opportunity of realizing the goals of their party. Political developments in the period between February and November 1963 were extremely confused, and consisted largely of different groups manoeuvring for power against a background of indiscriminate murder and terror. However, by June, ‛Alī Ïāli‡ as-Sacdī had lost the Ministry of Interior, his faction had quarrelled with both Jamāl ‛Abdannāœir and the Iraqi Nāœirists, and fighting had broken out again in Kurdistan. He now faced increasing hostility both from other Ba‛thists in the army and from his Ba‛thist colleagues in Damascus, who were also becoming increasingly critical of some of his methods. On 18 November 1963 ‛Abdassalām ‛Ārif, with the support of the armed forces, moved to exercise personal control over the country.
6

NATURE OF CIVIL CONFLICT AND THE RISE OF ISLAMIC MILITANCY IN SOMALIA

88%
Malik H.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2023
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vol. 16
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issue 2
34 - 45
EN
In the complex tapestry of global security concerns, the intersection of civil conflict and the rise of Islamic militancy in specific regions have garnered increasing attention. This paper focuses on the situation in Somalia, a country long riven by internal war and now struggling with the rise of Islamic militarism. The country’s history has been marred by prolonged periods of internal strife characterized by political instability, clan rivalries, and state collapse. Against this backdrop, Islamic militant groups, notably Al-Shabaab, have risen to prominence, exploiting the power vacuum and societal grievances to propagate their extremist ideology. Therefore, this paper aims to unravel the nuanced interplay between the nature of civil conflict and the ascent of Islamic militancy, shedding light on the historical, socioeconomic, and governance-related elements that have facilitated this convergence. By examining these dynamics, this paper underscores the imperative of effectively addressing root causes to mitigate the influence of Islamic militancy in Somalia.
7
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Rudá armáda a problém loajality za občanské války v Rusku

88%
Litera B.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2011
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vol. 19
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issue 2
45-70
EN
A specific feature of the civil war in Russia in the years 1917-1920 consisted in the fact that the original loyalties had disappeared. The Tsar had officially abdicated and the Russian population, primarily soldiers, was relieved of the official commitments to him as Commander in Chief. The new Provisional Government was rapidly losing its initial legitimacy, which was not only due to the existence of two parallel governments where the power of Soviets was steadily increasing, but also owing to a number of its own actions that nobody could sanction. The main reason, however, was the step taken by the government that absolutely ignored the prevailing opinion of soldiers and common people. While the overwhelming majority of soldiers, due to the huge losses at war, insufficient supply and total indifference to their fate, were requiring peace, the Provisional Government ordered an offensive against the Central Powers' armies in summer 1917. The rapid decline of the Provisional Government regime was proved by the total failure of the attack that was intended to support Russia's Entente Allies, by the conflicts existing within the Government camp, and also by the fact that at the moment of the Bolshevist revolution the Provisional Government had only some small and unreliable military units for its defense. The paradigm of loyalty during the Russian civil war exhibited an infinite variety of aspects and motives, but it was quite often reduced under the circumstances down to the basic problem of self-preservation, particularly in the case of people who failed to have strong ideological and political motivation. In extreme cases the decision was reduced to a mere choice between loyalty and physical destruction. In the wide range of other alternatives the attitudes and loyalty of men were determined by the particular situation and motives, the most important of which was probably the wish to survive. Nevertheless, we should be aware of the fact that the Bolshevists made very cleverly use of the fact that they came to power without any relation to the governing classes of population (in fact their program was aimed against them) and as representatives of the poorest people. This made it possible for them to take measures intended to stimulate the loyalty of population. In the army, the 'honey and whip' method was applied in graded way in order to ensure or extort the loyalty of Red Army officers and soldiers.
8

SMRŤ CISÁRA ŽIGMUNDA LUXEMBURSKÉHO A NÁSTUP ALBRECHTA HABSBURSKÉHO NA UHORSKÝ TRÓN

88%
Dvořáková D.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2021
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vol. 69
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issue 1
27 – 47
EN
The paper deals with the circumstances of the death of the Emperor Sigismund of Luxembourg and the accession of Albert of Habsburg to the throne of Hungary. Albert based his claims to the Hungarian royal crown on his marriage with Sigismund’s daughter Elisabeth, the heiress of the Kingdom of Hungary. But the hereditary claims to the royal throne in the women’s branch did not apply in Hungary. In this case the new King was elected by the assembly. In spite of Sigismund’s last will, the election of Albert as a King of Hungary was uncertain because part of the aristocracy supported the Polish candidacy. Albert concealed Sigismund’s death and hastily organized an election assembly in Bratislava, which was attended only by supporters of the Habsburg duke. Therefore, a part of the aristocracy did not accept the election and the result was a civil war in the Kingdom of Hungary. The study deals also with the issue of the royal burial, the last resting place of Emperor Sigismund in Oradea as well with the later destruction of his grave.
9

SYRIA AND THE CIVIL WAR IN LEBANON IN 1975 – 76

75%
Sorby K. R.
Asian and African Studies
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2011
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vol. 20
|
issue 2
193 – 213
EN
After 1970 the PLO, driven out of Jordan, made Lebanon its operational base. It did not want to enter the civil war, but it sided with any group that espoused Arab nationalism and wanted to liberate Palestine. It was a Maronite militia’s attacks on the Palestinians that sparked the fighting in April 1975, committing the PLO to the Arab nationalist side. The Lebanese conflict was also a struggle between a privileged class of landowners and merchants trying to preserve the status quo and a large mass of poor people (mainly Muslim) striving for more equality. The two main Lebanese parties of the conflict were the Phalanges, a largely Maronite force, and the Lebanese National Movement which was mainly Muslim. The Muslim side won the support of the PLO. One puzzling aspect of this civil war was Syria’s 1976 policy shift. At first President Eafi al-Asad backed the rebels both morally and materially. He managed to get the Christians to accept a cease-fire, but the Muslim Lebanese, abetted by the PLO, rejected his proposed compromise. This rejection made Eafi al-Asad change sides and his forces battered the Muslims and the PLO into submission by the autumn of 1976.
10

VOJNA A POLITIKA. PRÍPADOVÁ ŠTÚDIA NA PRÍKLADE ČS. LEGIONÁROV V RUSKU. NOVÉ RUSKÉ POHĽADY A HODNOTENIA

75%
Vrábel F.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2014
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vol. 7
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issue 1
66 – 76
EN
The author explores the relationship between politics and war through an analysis of the Czechoslovak Legions and the Civil War in Russia. Developments between the years 1917 and 1920, as well as subsequent events in Russia in the following decades up until today, serve as a classic example of the relationship between war and politics. In the years 1917 – 1922, the Russian nation, together with its neighbours, went through a very difficult period of the Civil War. The events in Russia in 1917 – 1920 partially affected the Czechoslovak Army Corps, which were stalled there after the Bolsheviks had concluded peace with the Central Powers at Brest-Litovsk. Earlier Marxist historiography in the former Soviet Union and in Czechoslovakia viewed these events from a class and partisan perspective, and, under the pressure from communist ideology and censorship, echoed the positions of the Bolshevik leaders, particularly of Vladimir Lenin. After 1990, an opportunity for new approaches and a more objective view on this stage of Russian and Slovak history opened up in Russia as well.
11

PLO AND THE CIVIL WAR IN JORDAN (1970)

63%
Michaľák T.
Asian and African Studies
|
2012
|
vol. 21
|
issue 1
106 – 121
EN
The June War changed the regional balance in the Middle East, weakening the position of Arab states. The three Arab countries directly involved in the war with Israel lost an important and strategic part of their territories. After a swift air and ground attack, Egypt lost the Sinai Peninsula, which resulted in the closure of the Suez Canal, unfavourably affecting the Egyptian state budget. Syria was pushed out of the Golan Heights – an excellent vantage point for shelling Damascus. This military weakness led top governmental representatives to consider the possibility of a new Israeli attack. Jordan suffered a real loss, not only of territorial but also religious significance. It lost control of the whole West Bank of the Jordan River, including East Jerusalem. Jordanian King Eusayn was aware of the fact that the Israeli seizure of the West Bank called for quick action as a long-term occupation could thwart the unification of the kingdom.
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