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EN
Situation after the breakdown of the totalitarian political systems is characterized by the surge in nationalism and its exploitation in the political relations between the nations inhabiting former communist countries. In some areas of the post-communist territory, the political fracases have changed into hot ethnic conflicts. The author compares two post-communist regions: East Central Europe within latent ethnic conflict, and South-eastern Europe, where the demise of communism has been accompanied by three bloody ethnic wars. The paper is aiming to understand the reasons of such crucial difference in two neighbouring regions.
EN
Conscious of a complex and ambiguous character of the concept of collective identity, the author utilizes it in reference to the Maronite community in Lebanon, which constitutes the dominating part of internally diversified Lebanese Christianity. Political, religious and financial Maronite elites played significant and often decisive role in shaping contemporary Lebanese 'imagined community' and modern nation-state in Lebanon. The situation of such a political and symbolic impact of Christians on the concept of state in the Middle East is quite unique when compared with other Arab countries. The Maronite collective identity was built on the assumption that the group is capable of functioning as a link between the West and the Middle East. The article provides examples of an interaction between Maronites' Westernized consciousness and mostly Islamic and linguistically Arabic environment, such as questions of Maronite historiography, Phoenicianism as a Mediterranean component of collective identity, conception of consensus and National Pact as main pillars of the modern independent Lebanon, etc.
EN
This study attempts to reconstruct the image of the Spanish Court of Margaret Theresa, the first wife of Leopold I, Holy Roman Emperor, through the eyes of contemporary observers. Preserved primary sources show that their authors did not consider this narrowly defined circle of people as a colourful group of individual personalities but viewed them as stereotypical representatives of the Spanish Kingdom. For this reason, in written testimonies of contemporary observers, including Leopold I himself, there appear several partial images of Margaret Theresa's Spanish Royal Court and figuratively that of the Spaniard, which are based on the characteristic features of persons of Iberian Peninsular origin. On the one hand, the image comes to the foreground of an individual who had at his disposal not inconsiderable financial means, which manifested itself in ostentatious conduct. These means armed him with a requisite self-awareness of his power. In addition to coming from a well heeled background, the true Spaniard had exquisite taste and dressed with restraint and dignity. Another partial image reflects the persons of Hispanic origin who were famous for their intolerance and aggression towards those around them. Their intolerance was closely linked to the non-adaptability and disdain of the Spaniards towards the Central European environment and the lifestyle of the Viennese Court. This was expressed in the use of their native language, customary diet, efforts to change the everyday routine of the Imperial family, as well as regulations concerning court ceremonial and the fact that Margaret Theresa surrounded herself completely by Spanish courtiers. As far as Leopold I. was concerned, the chronic untrustworthiness of individuals from the Iberian Peninsula who had allegedly not hesitated to break their word, played an important role. The spontaneous dislike and distrust of the Emperor towards Spain was further strengthened by the protracted negotiations with the Madrid Court for Margaret Theresa's hand in marriage and the subsequent delays connected to naming the exact date of departure of the second born daughter of Philip IV of Spain to Vienna.
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Content available remote

The Europe Trap

63%
Lud
|
2012
|
vol. 96
31-491
EN
This paper takes a critical approach to the “anthropology of Europe” by warning against the treatment of this pseudo-continent as a culture area or Kulturraum. Drawing on the author’s own field research during and after socialism, primarily in South-East Poland but also in Hungary, the paper argues for the contingent, constructed nature of territory-based collective identities in general. Even the primary differentiating criteria of language and religion do not always permit the drawing of sharp lines. Polish ethnographers once had trouble in defining the exact boundaries of a territory they called Łemkowszczyzna and unwittingly found themselves drawn into politics in the process. Similarly, ethnographers of Europe today should be wary of politicians who reify an identity that does not yet exist as a focus of emotional belonging, and link it tendentiously to certain “norms and values” which are allegedly different from those of neighbors. The last section of the paper focuses on issues of historical memory. The revival of older nationalist narratives after the demise of socialism made it imperative to find supra-national antidotes. But as with European identity, invocations of a “European memory” must be approached critically by anthropologists who, by paying close attention to local circumstances, can show how events are refashioned into powerful narratives at multiple levels. These processes were more complex under socialism than is usually admitted, and contestation has become more overt since. In addition to ongoing processes of minority identification among the Lemkos, the paper notes how the freedoms of the new civil society in Przemyśl were exploited by veterans’ groups to foment opposition to the Ukrainian minority and frustrate its attempts to reassert an east Slav presence in that city. It is too soon as yet to speak of a harmonious European memory in the Polish-Ukrainian borderlands.
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