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1

VYSOKÁ ŠKOLA POLITICKÁ ÚV KSČ

100%
Dinuš P.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2008
|
vol. 1
|
issue 2
14 – 32
EN
Following the takeover of power in February of 1948, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia made efforts to streamline the system of its party and political education. Their ambition was to bring this system to a qualitatively higher level by offering political education of members of the CPCz through short-term courses organized by the party-political school of a college type. The institute was to provide activists of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and members of the Party elite with university education equivalent to that provided by state universities and colleges. This effort resulted in the establishment of the Political Institute of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, which developed its activity in the period of 1953-1990. The Political Institute of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (PI CC CPCz) was under the supervision of the CC CPCz in terms of content, personnel and economic management. From 1970, the institute’s position was that of a department of the CC CPCz. Initially, the institute was unable to provide education equivalent to state universities and colleges, even though it made every effort to that effect throughout the 1950. The problem was not so much that of the form (the structure of the institute and the education system) as that of the content, that is, the standard of the presented material. Some of the disciplines did meet academic criteria, but not until the 1960s. These were particularly humanities – Czechoslovak history and general history, the history of political theories, political science, social science, management theory to name a few. In the period of normalisation (after 1970) the element of learning by rote prevailed over the congitive element due to a stereotyped approach to the objectives of the educational process.
2

MAĎARSKÁ MENŠINA NA SLOVENSKU – SNAHY O ŠTÁTOPRÁVNE ZAKOTVENIE MENŠINOVEJ PROBLEMATIKY DO AUGUSTA 1968

100%
Šutaj Š.
Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied
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2013
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vol. 16
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issue 4
-
EN
The article is devoted to the situation of the Hungarian minority in 1960s. It mainly deals with the situation in 1968, legislative activities towards ensuring minority rights by the Communist Party authorities, public bodies and proposals based on the initiative of the Hungarian minority institutions.
3

SOCIETY OF SAINT ADALBERT FROM THE END OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR TO THE CHANGE INTO A “SPECIAL PURPOSE FACILITY” (1945 – 1954)

100%
Katuninec M.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2007
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vol. 55
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issue suppl. issue
113 – 136
EN
The Society of Saint Adalbert (Vojtech) played a significant role in the religious and national life of the Slovak people for a long period of time. During World War II, it was at odds with the authorities, but managed to become a little more independent then in previous periods. The Democratic Party won the 1946 parliamentary election in Slovakia. This development was supposed to solidify the newly found independence of the Society of Saint Adalbert. Increases in publication rate and membership numbers were also encouraging this trend. After the Communist Party had taken power in 1948, the society fell on hard times. Its activities continued, but their scope was severely restricted and the Communist Party exercised strong control over them. People of the regime took over running the society, and prepared a new Charter in 1953. The society started to be defined as a religious institution without active membership, and the new Charter came into effect in 1954.
4

THE “COMRADES”, PROPAGANDA AND THE COLLECTIVIZATION OF AGRICULTURE IN EASTERN EUROPE

100%
Radu S., Cosmin B., Flavius S.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2015
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vol. 63
|
issue 1
113 – 135
EN
The Soviet experience between 1920 and 1930 helped the leaders of the Eastern European communist states in the late 1940s and early 1950s to adopt complex strategies in order to attract the widest possible segment of the population possible to the new regime’s side, or to at least ensure a neutral attitude from the part of the most important social categories, such as the peasants. The active presence in the rural world of political organizations which were formally autonomous but closely linked to the communist parties customized the collectivization of Eastern European states to the Soviet Union, where the massive collectivization was done under the supervision of the Communist Party exclusively. Another feature, illustrated on the basis of this case study is that, considering the Soviet experience, the Communist parties from Eastern Europe used propaganda in the process of collectivization of agriculture. The Ploughmen’s Front represented the strongest and oldest front organization comrade of the Romanian Communist Party. The main task of this organization was to implement the Communist ideology in the country-side, facilitating the process of communization of the Romanian villages, where the Communists were extremely unpopular. The article focuses on the manner in which the Ploughmen’s Front was involved in the collectivization of agriculture in Romania.
5

BURŽOÁZNY ANTIKOMUNIZMUS AKO „VYROVNÁVANIE SA S MINULOSŤOU“ V SLOVENSKOM POLITICKOM DISKURZE

88%
Dinuš P.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2015
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vol. 8
|
issue 2
55 - 67
EN
The change of the regime in Czechoslovakia late in 1989 aroused a wave of evaluations and interpretations not only of the past events and processes, but also of the very nature of Czechoslovak Socialist. The value criterion of his judge becomes the political aspects of freedom, democracy and the rule of law which found reflection in the legislation. Diction the Act 125/1996 coll. on immorality and illegality of the communist system reflects the world of Slovak right anticommunism: the former regime was illegal, amoral and reprehensible. In the next stage of alignment with the past, the values of criterion became increasingly ideological aspects. The period rule of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia is interpreted as the “totality”. The basis of ideological perception of the communist government has become the theory of totalitarianism. The “era of non-freedom” is existence of communism and Nazism.
6

IMPLEMENTATION OF THE IDEOLOGY OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA INTO ACTIVITIES OF SLOVAK UNIVERSITIES AFTER FEBRUARY 1948

88%
Gabzdilová S.
Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied
|
2016
|
vol. 19
|
issue 3
-
EN
Communist Party of Czechoslovakia after ascent to power in February 1948 enacted radical changes in all spheres of political, economic and social life. Among these changes, the school system was an important area, because it provided conditions which were significant for existence of the regime. After February 1948 the management of all schools, including universities, was in hands of the Communist Party which resulted in implementation of communist ideology into education. Because the Communist Party did not trust intelligentsia educated before communist take-over and who were perceived as “class enemy”, they emphasized the need to educate “their own intelligentsia” which would come from working or farm labourer class. This thesis was implemented in practice in line with so called class principle, that is, universities were accepting predominantly student from working families. Academic environment was exposed to communist propaganda and agitation. At all universities in Czechoslovak Republic were established organizations of the Communist Party, which participated on management of universities and implemented orders of central communist authorities. They were helped also by Czechoslovak Union of Youth and Revolutionary Unions, which were completely controlled by the Communist Party. The policy of Communist Party in relation to the university education was formulated in Law in Regard to Universities, adopted by the National Assembly on May 18 1950. The Communist Party was focused primarily on limitation of autonomy of universities and University self-government institutions ceased to exist. The management of universities was carried by the Ministry of Schools, sciences and arts. The church faculties were excluded from authority of the Ministry of Schools. The primary management and control over church faculties went Ministry of the State Office for the Church Affaires.
7

FORCED MIGRATION FLOWS IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA DUE TO THE BUILDING OF MILITARY GROUNDS IN THE PERIODICAL PRESS

88%
Vedra D.
Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied
|
2022
|
vol. 25
|
issue 1
-
EN
The paper is divided into three chapters. In the first part, the author would like to introduce the topic and its research in the Czech Republic. The second part focuses on the forced displaced area in Bohemia due to the building of the biggest military area in the protectorate called “Waffen-SS Böhmen (Beneschau)”. After a short history, the author will show the response in the periodical press. The third focuses on the resettlement of the villages from the Drahansko Highlands and the reports on it in the press between 1945 and 1955. The author follow the clear lines of post-war Central European politics, an important pillar of which was the national revival and the expulsion of the three-million-strong German ethnic group from Czechoslovakia. In the conclusion, the author summarizes her research and draws four main conclusions from the previous chapters by focussing on the main question of how the printed press worked as a propaganda tool for the post-war establishment of Czechoslovakia.
8

PRVNÍ SJEZD SVAZU SLOVENSKÝCH NOVINÁŘŮ V KVĚTNU 1963. REAKCE STRANICKÝCH ŠPIČEK A ŠIRŠÍ DOZVUKY MEZI SLOVENSKYMI A ČESKÝMI KOMUNISTICKÝMI INTELEKTUÁLY

88%
Mervart J.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2011
|
vol. 59
|
issue 1
81-99
EN
The study is devoted to mapping the circumstances and course of the congress of the Union of Slovak Journalists, which represented a significant impulse for the promotion of reformist views in the spring of 1963. It was especially concerned with demands for the consistent rehabilitation of the 'bourgeois nationalists', changes to the censorship and publication policy and acceptance of Slovak specifics. The author also attempts to capture the reactions of the apparatus of A. Novotny and A. Dubcek, for whom the congress of journalists represented a violation of binding party resolutions, the official line of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and the principles of democratic centralism. In the conclusion, he devotes attention to the responses to the conference among the Czech and Slovak communist intelligentsia.
9

SLOVENSKÁ AKADÉMIA VIED A UMENÍ V ROKOCH 1945 – 1952

88%
Hudek A.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2011
|
vol. 59
|
issue 2
285-311
EN
The development of the Slovak Academy of Sciences and Arts in the turbulent period 1945 - 1952 documents the illusory nature of ideas about the possibility of the autonomous development of science and research in a society experiencing great political shocks. The article analyses the political and ideological influences that inevitably directed the functioning of the academy. The institution was formally apolitical, but, in reality, it was largely dependent on the current government, so it inevitably became an object of political struggles in the state. The aim of the article is also to point out how the academy attempted to make pragmatic use of the current political situation to achieve the status of the leading institution in Slovak science and research.
10

SLOVAK ACADEMY OF SCIENCES AND ARTS IN THE YEARS 1945 – 1952

88%
Hudek A.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2012
|
vol. 60
|
issue suppl. issue
67 – 96
EN
The development of the Slovak Academy of Sciences and Arts in the turbulent period 1945 – 1952 documents the illusory nature of ideas about the possibility of the autonomous development of science and research in a society experiencing great political shocks. The article analyses the political and ideological influences that inevitably directed the functioning of the academy. The institution was formally apolitical, but, in reality, it was largely dependent on the current government, so it inevitably became an object of political struggles in the state. The aim of the article is also to point out how the academy attempted to make pragmatic use of the current political situation to achieve the status of the leading institution in Slovak science and research.
11

O ČESKO-SLOVENSKÝCH VZŤAHOCH NA PRAHU ROKA 1968 – NA POZADÍ NIEKTORÝCH NOVOOBJAVENÝCH ARCHÍVNYCH DOKUMENTOV

88%
Londák M.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2020
|
vol. 68
|
issue 1
105 – 123
EN
The study is concerned with the problem of Czech – Slovak relations mainly in the period directly preceding 1968, immediately before spring (1963 – 1967). Weakening of the regime from the political and economic points of view enabled some degree of liberalization, which allowed some criticism of social relations. In Slovakia this owed something to the activity of A. Dubček, first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia. Dubček even created space for criticism. Thus, conditions emerged for gradual change in the field of Czech – Slovak relations. This is also clear from some hitherto little-known documents that are analysed in the study. They bring a change of view of various relevant facts, such as those concerning the method of measuring the socio-economic levelling up of Slovakia to the level of the Czech Lands and evaluation of the economic growth of the Slovak economy. This gradually prepared the ground for the important changes to Czech – Slovak relations in 1968.
12

LADISLAV NOVOMESKÝ V ČELE SLOVENSKÉ AKADEMIE VĚD A UMĚNÍ (1950–1951)

75%
Doskočil Z.
Studia Historica Nitriensia
|
2017
|
vol. 21
|
issue 2
348 – 365
EN
In spring 1950 poet Ladislav Novomeský was accused of the so-called Slovak bourgeois nationalism. After his forced self-criticism, Novomeský was removed from his position of Minister of Education and had to leave the top politics. The leaders of the Communist Party of Slovakia appointed him as the Slovak Academy of Sciences and Arts’ president. Ladislav Novomeský performed this role during the months before his arrest in February 1951. In this essay, we analyse the poet’s inconsistent activities during this period. As president, Novomeský’s effort was to turn the Academy into top scientific institution in Slovakia, but he was also anxious to keep it in line with the political and ideological course of the Communist Party. The poet’s schizophrenic attitude during the management of Academy can be illustrated by various examples, e.g. changes in organizational structure, introduction of censorship, collaboration with the Slovak Matica, publishing of the edition of Hviezdoslav’s Library, his own work, and so on.
13

MAĎARSKÁ MENŠINA POČAS PRAŽSKEJ JARI A V PRVÝCH ROKOCH NORMALIZÁCIE

75%
Popély Á.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2010
|
vol. 3
|
issue 2
105 – 116
EN
With the new arrangement of Czecho-Slovak relations in Czechoslovakia in 1968, the need to address the status of Hungarian minority in Slovakia emerged inevitably. The Cultural Association of Hungarian workers in Czechoslovakia (Csemadok), a revived insitution recognized even by the Communist Party, became an unofficial representative of the Hungarian minority. It demanded the constitutional entrenchment of minority rights under the principle of self-government, establishment of national institutions and proportional representation of minorities in elected and executive bodies. Since negotiations about the definition of the constitutional status of nationalities soon came to a deadlock, the Constitutional Law on the status of nationalities was only adopted after the intervention, in October 1968. While the severely restricted constitutional law caused disappointment among nationalities, their leading representative did not give up hope that they could create an ethnic policy based on truly new foundations. Yet, due to the advancing „Normalisation“ process, their hopes and proposals failed to materialise. The ambition to address the legal status of ethnic minorities on the principles of equality and self-government was a unique initiative that was unprecedented in the former Soviet-bloc East-Central Europe. Rejection of a significant part of the demands by the Hungarian minority immediately before the occupation raises a question of whether further existence and potential victory of the democratization process would truly have created a chance for the minorities to have their demands met in full.
14

ROLE OF FAITH IN A SOCIAL STRUGGLE USING THE EXAMPLE OF THE PASTORAL LETTER OF THE SLOVAK BISHOPS OF NOVEMBER 1924

75%
Arpáš R.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2019
|
vol. 67
|
issue 5
839 – 849
EN
The social movement that developed in Slovakia after the end of the Great War succeeded in capturing the left-wing parties - Social Democracy and the Communist Party. In particular, communists in the ideological struggle did not hesitate to use the alleged parallels of communist ideas with Christianity. Thanks to this tactic, they were also successful among religious populations. Therefore, efforts to establish Christian-oriented trade unions in Slovakia were not too successful. Thus, in November 1924, through the Pastoral Letter, the Slovak bishops entered the conflict and watched with concern the rising anticlerical movement in Czechoslovakia.
15

LADISLAV NOVOMESKÝ A SLOVENSKÁ KULTURNÍ OBEC V PROPAGANDISTICKÉ KAMPANI PROTI TZV. BURŽOAZNÍMU NACIONALISMU NA JAŘE 1951

75%
Doskočil Z.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2018
|
vol. 66
|
issue 3
457 – 492
EN
In spring 1950 the poet and commissioner for education Ladislav Novomeský was tactically accused of so-called Slovak bourgeois nationalism. Under the influence of Soviet advisers in the State Security Service, the accusation of ideological deviation was reclassified as a criminal offence and Novomeský ended up in prison together with other functionaries in February 1951. After their arrest, a propagandist campaign was unleashed against so-called bourgeois nationalism. The leadership of the Communist Party of Slovakia combined it with purges of the Slovak intelligentsia. Novomeský became one of the victims. Communist intellectuals were included on the initiative of politicians and party apparatchiks. Their speeches and articles sharply condemned Novomeský’s poetry, his literary views, expert work and activities in the fields of education and culture. For a number of years, the campaign damaged Czech – Slovak relations and the development of the Slovak political and cultural spheres. It marked Novomeský’s life, since his conviction became the basis for the charges against him in the trial of so-called Slovak bourgeois nationalists in 1954.
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