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Kasata klasztoru kartuzów w Gidlach

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EN
The charterhouse in Gidle founded in 1641-1642, a subsidiary of the charterhouse Paradise of Mary in the Eastern Pomerania (presently Kartuzy) was dissolved by the bull Ex imposita Nobis of Pius VII from 30th June 1818 and the executive decree of 17th April 1819. Despite the protests of the last prior, A. Grabowski, the dissolution was completed on 23rd June 1819, when the cassation committee came to Gidle, took over the property and the equipment of the church and monastery, leasing them to the remaining there Carthusians (four priests and two brothers; additionally the monastery was resided by the verger, cook, fisherman, and the gardener) for a period of one year. On the 7th July 1819, Samuel Bogumił Linde came to Gidle, taking over the monastic book collection. Despite the efforts, the Charterhouse revival has failed. After the death of the prior Grabowski, who stayed in the convent until the end of his days, the livestock was sold, and part of the equipment plundered. The monastery was demolished, and the church was sealed. The plans of its demolishion caused that in 1877 it came back to interest again, and in 1879 it was decided to give it for the purposes of the parish. Supplementing the article are the inventories of the monastery and church equipment (including liturgical devices), the summary of the archive contents from the period of dissolution, and two descriptions of the church and its equipment from 1832 and 1877.
EN
The study is devoted to the reconstruction of the process of watermills network developing in the estates of separate monasteries in Eastern Pomerania on the background of general milling trends development in this area. Considering this subject, three distinct stages were identified: up to 1308, when the representatives of local dynasty ruled, the years 1309-1454, so the rule of the Teutonic Order, and the period after 1454, in this case limited with the frames of this article to the end of 16th century. The monasteries, thanks to the owned assets and organizational capabilities, have played an important role in the watermills’network developing, especially in the ducal period, up to 1308. Although the monks were not the pioneers in the wastelands management and construction of the first watermills in these areas, they have acted as the main users of existing and newly built mills along with the territorial rulers in the course of time. A certain change has brought the rule of the Teutonic Knights, who ran a consequent economic policy towards other entities, including in particular the monasteries possessing extensive grants from the earlier period. Their actions clearly hindered the further development of the monastic estates, forcing their owners to improve organization of the already held premises. Additionally, on that has imposed the general legal and organizational processes change in the rural economy, also occurring in the goods of great monastic property. Due to that fact each congregation was trying to led self-sufficient economic policy, of which manifestation in the flour milling was imposition of milling coercion on the possessed villages, and conscious construction of own, independent from external conditions, network of milling machines. This policy was continued even after 1454, when the control of the public authority was not so strict. The new circumstance at that time was the abolishment of milling regalia, what enabled the rapid development of mill networks in private estates, possibly including the monastic premises. Different factors were subject to change in the network of hydro-powered devices in the territories belonging to the Cistercians of Oliwa. The proximity of Gdańsk, the great urban center, experiencing at that time a massive economic development resulted, that the monastery has become a natural partner for the actions taken by local townspeople. By investing their capital in the construction of more hydro-powered devices on the monastery’s two major waterways, they led to establishment of about 30 devices, in the vast majority – of industrial mills. The case of Oliwa, fundamentally different from other monasteries, was a result of cooperation between two different partners: the monastery – representing the model of a traditional rural economy, and the investors possessing large assets– urban entrepreneurs. In addition to the considerations presented in the article, there is enclosed the monastic mill network map illustrating the status quo in the second half of the 16 th century.
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