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EN
Rising energy prices for fossil fuels, the unreliable supply of energy imports during recent winters, and European Union (EU) policies have stimulated national awareness and political action on renewable bio-energy among all of the European countries. In discussions on agricultural policy, renewable energy has been advocated as a way to more rural prosperity. In this paper, we assess whether there is any impact on agricultural and rural employment and income as anticipated. Among the new member states (NMS) of the EU, the share of bio-energy is slowly increasing. Yet among the Balkan states and Turkey this process has just started. In both sub-regions an expansion of rape seed cultivation, and to a smaller extent of the production of wood pellets, could be observed. Similarly, the build-up of processing facilities is in its infancy. Up to now, however, its overall impact on agricultural and rural income and employment seems to have been marginal.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza przesłanek wewnętrznych i międzynarodowych upadku Związku Radzieckiego oraz jego skutków dla Polski i jej miejsca w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej. Ukazuje on zmiany geopolityczne, które dokonały się wówczas w Europie i na świecie oraz ich wpływ na reorientację polityki zagranicznej Polski na przełomie XX i XXI wieku. W artykule staram się odpowiedzieć na kilka pytań oraz weryfikuję kilka tez i hipotez związanych z upadkiem ZSRR. Główną tezą jest konstatacja, że do upadku Związku Radzieckiego oprócz przyczyn wewnętrznych w dużym stopniu przyczyniła się ówczesna sytuacja międzynarodowa w Europie i na świecie, w tym “jesień ludów 1989” w państwach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. Przeprowadzona analiza pokazuje, że upadek Związku Radzieckiego miał pozytywne znaczenie dla Europy, świata i Polski oraz jej polityki zagranicznej. Przyczynił się do zakończenia zimnej wojny, upadku ładu jałtańsko-poczdamskiego i rozpoczęcia budowy nowego porządku międzynarodowego. Polityka zagraniczna Polski po upadku ZSRR była zgodna z polską racją stanu i miała istotne znaczenie dla Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. Została oparta na systemie euroatlantyckim i bliskich relacjach z Niemcami, Francją, Wielką Brytanią, Stanami Zjednoczonymi oraz z państwami Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. Przy pisaniu artykułu wykorzystałem teorię realizmu klasycznego, teorię polityki zagranicznej państwa i teorię konstruktywizmu oraz takie metody badawcze jak opis i krytyczną analizę dokumentów i literatury przedmiotu. Bazę źródłową stanowią polsko- i obcojęzyczne dokumenty publikowane, prace zwarte, artykuły i studia oraz informacje z prasy Internetu
EN
The paper is aimed at analysing the domestic and international determinants of the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the consequences for Europe, the world and Poland, as well as its place in Central and Eastern Europe. It demonstrates geopolitical changes that took place in Europe and the world, as well as their effects on the reorientation of Poland’s foreign policy at the turn of the 21st century. In the article, the author attempts to answer a few questions and verify several theses and hypotheses related to the reasons and effects of the collapse of the USSR. The key thesis is that the fall of the Soviet Union was provoked not only by the internal factors but also to a great extent by the international situation in Europe and the world, including the Revolutions of 1989 in the states of Central and Eastern Europe. The analysis shows that the collapse of the Soviet Union has had a positive impact on Europe, the world, Poland, and its foreign policy. It contributed to the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the Yalta-Potsdam order, and the creation of a new international order. After the fall of the USSR, Poland’s foreign policy was consistent with the Polish raison d’état and was of great importance for Central and Eastern Europe. It was based on the Euro-Atlantic system and close relations with Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. In the article, the author refers to classical realism, the theory of foreign policy, and constructivism and applies the following research methods: description and critical analysis of documents and literature on the subject. The source base comprises Polish and foreign published documents, monographs, articles and studies, and press releases.
EN
Uses and Abuses of the Past. The Politics of History and Cultures of Remembrance in East-Central and Southeastern Europe (1791 to 1989) The ‘long’ 19th century and the wars of the ‘short’ 20th century decisively shaped the cultures of remembrance of the national societies and nation-states of East-Central and Southeastern Europe. The national liberation movements, the wars of 1912/14–1918, the founding of new states in 1918–19, the turn to authoritarian rule in the late 1920s and the war years of 1939/41–1944/45 continue to shape – together with the legacy of communism and medieval myths – the collective memory of contemporary Poles, Hungarians, Slovaks, Czechs, Romanians, Bulgarians, Albanians, Serbs, Macedonians, Croats and others. If Oskar Halecki and Jenő Szűcs have identified a historical meso-region of a ‘wider’ East-Central Europe characterized by common structural features, one can also identify a post-imperial and post-communist ‘community of memory’ between Plžen and Poltava, Tallinn and Thessaloniki. This shaping of the past in people’ s minds has taken place in a threefold manner. First, the individual memory of quite a number of people who had experienced World War II, the interwar period and even the ‘three’ Balkans Wars is still alive. These memories differ substantially depending on ethnicity, political affiliation back then, and on present-day political needs. Those hunted during the Second World War record rather different memories than those who participated in ethnic cleansing, for example. There have been floods of memoirs written about the recent past throughout the region. Second, in these until rather recently non-literate but ‘oral’ societies family memory continues to play an important role – a role that was strengthened considerably under the decades of communism when memories not compatible with the official master narrative were suppressed. And third – and perhaps most importantly – the post-1989/91 governments’ uses and abuses of the past are primarily an iteration of the ‘politics of history’ propagated by governments of the interwar period and earlier.
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