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EN
Protests in the postsoviet republics and, very recently, in Middle East and North African countries have focused attention again on the subject of the revolution. This paper is interested in events which happened in Kyrygyzstan in March 2005 commonly labeled as “the tulip revolution”. However, the aim of the article is not to provide objective depiction of the events or the answer the question what really was “the Tulip revolution”. Instead, it seeks to reveal the mechanisms of the interpretation and discursive construction of the events of March 2005 in the acts of public communication addressed to the people by the major beneficiary of these events, the incumbent president Kurmanbek Bakiev.
EN
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia neglected relations with the republics in Central Asia for a few. In the second half of the nineties, the Kremlin attempted to maintain political and economic domination in the region. The challenge for Russia was the emergence of Chinese and American competition in Central Asia. Moscow failed to stop China’s economic expansion. However, the Chinese recognized Russia’s dominant role in the sphere of politics and security in the region. The American presence in the region by Moscow is treated as a threat to security. The Kremlin was alarmed both by American investment projects related to the transmission of oil and gas, and political projects carried out under the slogans of spreading democracy.
EN
The purpose of the article is to present the status of secret services in the system of national authorities in Kyrgyzstan. The authors have attempted to present the basic functions of national security system, competences of national security authorities and status of officers and soldiers serving in the special forces of the Kyrgyz Republic. The tasks and powers granted to the State National Security Committee and Main Intelligence Directorate are extensive. Social control and judicial review are highly limited. The politicization of national security authorities and a high degree of corruption block their proper functioning.
EN
The National Security Service was created in 1991 and from the beginning it was subordinated personally to the President of Uzbekistan. Together with other enforcing bodies, it constitutes one of the foundations of Uzbekistan’s legislative order. Uzbekistan adopted a model where it merged the intelligence and counterintelligence, not only the civil but also the military and the secret services that persecutes economic crimes in one institution. The result is that the tasks and powers granted to National Security Service are extensive. There are no effective mechanisms of parliamentary control over the Service’s activities. Due to political conditions, a significant part of its activity is devoted to fight against the actual and potential or alleged enemies of the existing political order.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the approach of Central Asian elites to the region. The analysis was based on the statements and the official documents defining foreign policy strategies. Discourse analysis was the main research tool, semantic fields analysis was used for the statements’ categorization. I argue that the Central Asian presidents use the term Central Asia and identify with the region. Nonetheless, their narratives about the region differ significantly and do not form one consistent representation. There is no agreement at the level of defining the fundamental challenges that the region is facing, as well as choosing forms of cooperation within the region.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie podejścia centralnoazjatyckich elit do kwestii regionu. Rozważania oparta na wystąpieniach oraz kluczowych dokumentach definiujących strategie polityki zagranicznej. Analiza dyskursu była podstawowym narzędziem badawczym, analiza pól semantycznych posłużyła do kategoryzacji wypowiedzi. Autor argumentuje, że centralnoazjatyccy prezydenci używają terminu Azja Centralna i identyfikują się z regionem. Niemniej jednak ich narracje na temat regionu różnią się w znacznym stopniu i nie tworzą jednego spójnego obrazu. Brakuje zgody w zakresie determinowania podstawowych wyzwań, jakie stoją przed regionem oraz wyboru form współpracy regionalnej.
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