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Marszałek izby poselskiej w sejmie Rzeczypospolitej XVI–XVIII w.

100%
Kupisz D.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2021
|
issue 6(167)
171–194
EN
The jurisdiction and tasks of the marshals (speakers) of the Old-Polish Sejm Chamber of Deputies were shaped in practice and thus were not regulated by law for many decades. The literature on the subject has always stressed that the ‘director’ of the Chamber of Deputies had to reckon with the will of his colleagues, that he did not have too many prerogatives, and the role he played during parliamentary debates resulted primarily from his personal qualities and social position. This article, however, deals with customary powers and prerogatives of the Sejm marshal, and those which in the eighteenth century began to be described in parliamentary constitutions. It is also an attempt to synthetically summarise the research conducted thus far into the ways of electing the marshal of the Sejm and the role he played in the Sejm from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century. It involved not only presiding over the sessions of the Chamber of Deputies and did not end with the closing of the Sejm session, but also included important activities after the session had finished, related to the drafting of the constitutions, and managing the election of the next marshal, which was no less important at the beginning of the next Sejm.
2
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Katolíci v politike: Martin Mičura ako poslanec Národného zhromaždenia

100%
Zmátlo P.
Studia theologica
|
2019
|
issue 3
145-178
EN
The article describes the activity of Martin Mičura, chairman of the Czechoslovak People's Party in Slovakia, as a member of the National Assembly in the years 1925–1939. Martin Mičura, as a deputy of a pro‑ Czechoslovak party, always tried in his speeches to enable Slovakia to enjoy similar social conditions to those in the more developed Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia. He was mostly involved in discussions about the budget for the next year and concentrated on questions and problems which, as a lawyer and an expert with practice in self‑ governing structures, understood best judicial issues and questions of public administration and self‑ government. He did not avoid other social areas and worked to help Slovakia in the economic, social, and cultural areas. His other “favourite” themes were church schools, sole traders and traders, taxes, transport, etc. In the 1930s, he began to comment on such key issues as the huge economic crisis and its consequences, the worsening situation in international politics and the increase in nationalism in connection with the expansion of totalitarian systems, especially Nazi Germany which began to abuse the Germany minority in Czechoslovakia to its advantage. The aim of his speeches in debates on international politics was to protect a democratic and unitary Czechoslovakia which, from the mid 1930s, was in increasing danger from undemocratic, autocratic, and totalitarian systems which gradually destroyed the Versailles Peace Treaty. He worked as a deputy of the Czechoslovak People's Party in Slovakia in various parliamentary committees, notably as chairman of the constitutional and juridical committee in the years 1925–1935.
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Senat w czasie panowania Wazów – jego miejsce w systemie parlamentarnym Rzeczypospolitej

88%
Korytko A.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2021
|
issue 6(167)
115–140
EN
The article analyses selected problems pertaining to the Senate – the upper chamber in the Parliament of the Commonwealth of Two Nations during the reign of the Vasa dynasty (1587–1668). The author characterises the Senate by discussing nominations, numbers, and precedence of the senators. Moreover, he presents certain aspects associated with the role and activity of the senators in the course of the pre-Sejm campaign and during Sejm debates. While describing the work carried out by the Polish-Lithuanian Parliament the author draws attention to the less than imposing attendance, the significance of senatorial wota (opinions and commentaries of senators), and the positive impact exerted by the Senate in the final phase of the Sejm – the conclusion. Upon the basis of the conducted analyses it becomes obvious that the Senate performed, not only in the course of the debates held by the Sejm, several roles – that of a parliamentary estate, an ‘intermediary estate’, and a guardian of law.
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Proporcionalita, integrační účinek a legitimita volebního systému do Poslanecké sněmovny: simulační studie dopadů D’Hondtova dělitele, Imperialiho kvóty a Hareovy kvóty

88%
Horák F., Antoš M., Sklenář D., Lacko D.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
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2024
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vol. 60
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issue 2
127-155
EN
Although the change in the electoral system used in elections to the Chamber of Deputies has attracted the attention of lawyers, political scientists, and sociologists, we still lack a comprehensive comparative analysis of the new system with the original one or other alternatives. The main reason for this is the lack of empirical data. This article overcomes this problem using a simulation of electoral results that correspond to the real Czech election environment. On the basis of this simulated dataset it is possible to generate generalisable conclusions about the proportionality, integration effect, and legitimacy of three electoral formulas: the original D’Hondt divisor, the newly adopted Imperiali quota, and the Hare quota. Our results show that the Hare quota is clearly the best choice. Its advantages in proportionality significantly outweigh its disadvantages in integrative effect. Moreover, this formula sees the least disruption to the logical sequence of results, i.e. where a party with fewer votes gets more seats, a phenomenon that is undesirable and undermines the legitimacy of elections. We are convinced that among the three formulas compared the Hare quota is the one that best fits the constitutional requirements of the electoral system as interpreted by the Constitutional Court, and that - unless the legislature is planning to change other parameters of the electoral system - it is the one that should be implemented.
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Sejm koronny w czasach jagiellońskich (1386–1572). Narodziny, rozwój, „złoty wiek”

75%
Januszek-Sieradzka A.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2021
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issue 6(167)
15-41
EN
The birth of parliamentarism in the Kingdom of Poland, its development, and its heyday, referred to in historiography as the ‘golden age’, are associated with the almost two-hundred-year reign of the Jagiellonian dynasty (1386–1572). During the reign of four generations of Jagiellons, the oligarchic monarchy of the fifteenth century was transformed into a parliamentary monarchy of nobles in the next century. One of the institutional foundations and principles of the state was the two-tier parliamentary system, which ensured actual participation in power of the holders of political rights. The year 1468 saw the birth of the Chamber of Deputies, based on the principle of representation, and consequently, the establishment of the bicameral Crown Sejm. The Polish-Lithuanian Union concluded in Lublin in 1569 resulted in legal and political decisions which determined the role and functioning of the Sejm until the collapse of the Commonwealth at the end of the eighteenth century.
6
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Faktory územní alokace poslaneckých dotací v Česku v letech 2003-2009 : význam lokalizace bydlišť poslanců

75%
Hána D., Feřtrová M.
Naše společnost (Our Society)
|
2015
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vol. 13
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issue 1
3-12
EN
Political, financial and legislative support of one’s own constituency or home location belongs to the main interests of politicians. The paper attempts to identify a spatial pattern in pork barrel grants allocated during the endorsement of draft state budgets by the Chamber of Deputies. The factor of deputies’ home locations is analysed. Correlation analysis at district level exploits Parliamentary Gazette data on approved deputies’ amendments to the draft state budget and a list of deputies’ home municipalities from electoral database of the Czech Statistical Office. At municipal level, a local indicator of spatial autocorrelation was employed to discover several spatial clusters of high and low pork barrel support, which was compared with deputies’ home locations. Although several pork barrel grants were allocated to these locations, no general correlation was confirmed.
CS
Mezi hlavní zájmy politiků patří politická, finanční i legislativní podpora svých volebních obvodů či bydlišť. Článek se pokouší odhalit pravidelnosti v prostorovém vzorci poslaneckých dotací, o kterých poslanci rozhodovali během projednávání návrhu státního rozpočtu v Poslanecké sněmovně (porcování medvěda), na základě analýzy významu lokalizace poslaneckých trvalých bydlišť pro jejich alokaci. Na úrovni okresů byla provedena analýza korelace dat přijatých pozměňovacích návrhů poslanců k návrhu státního rozpočtu ze sněmovních tisků a lokalizace poslaneckých trvalých bydlišť z volební databáze Českého statistického úřadu. Na úrovni obcí byly metodou lokálního indikátoru prostorové asociace LISA odhaleny prostorové shluky vysoké a nízké podpory poslaneckými dotacemi, které byly následně na půdorysu obvodů obcí s rozšířenou působností porovnány s trvalými bydlišti poslanců. Jejich rozmístění v několika případech odpovídalo příjmu poslaneckých dotací, obecná závislost se však nepotvrdila.
7
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West Side Story in a Post-Communist Parliament: Effect of Gender on Legislative Behaviour of MPs

71%
Hájek L.
Przegląd Politologiczny
|
2020
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issue 2
21-43
PL
Istnieje wiele dowodów na to, że płeć wpływa na ustawodawcze zachowania posłów. Niemniej jednak, jako że większość ustaleń pochodzi z Europy Zachodniej, można zadać pytanie, czy taka zależność zachodzi również w postkomunistycznych parlamentach. Ponieważ oba regiony miały różną historię związaną z płcią, odpowiedź negatywna sugeruje się sama. Natomiast pierwsze kompleksowe badania nad tym zagadnieniem przeprowadzone w państwie postkomunistycznym pokazują coś przeciwnego. Jako przypadek badawczy wykorzystana została działalność parlamentarna przedstawicieli w Czechach w latach 1993–2017. Wyniki analizy pokazują, że choć posłanki mówią mniej, otrzymują więcej stanowisk w organach wewnątrzparlamentarnych niż posłowie płci męskiej. Ponadto większość komisji jest daleka od neutralności płciowej, ponieważ ustawodawcy płci męskiej i żeńskiej mają znacząco różne szanse na to, by zostać ich członkami. Ogólnie rzecz biorąc, wyniki sugerują, że płeć wpływa na zachowanie parlamentarzystów w państwach postkomunistycznych, zaskakująco podobnie jak w Europie Zachodniej.
EN
There is vast evidence that gender influences the legislative behaviour of MPs. Nonetheless, as most of the findings come from Western Europe, one may ask whether such effects take place similarly also in post-communist parliaments. Since the two regions experienced different gender-related history, a negative answer suggests itself. By contrast, this first complex research on the issue conducted in a post-communist country demonstrates the opposite. It employs parliamentary activity of representatives in the Czech Republic between 1993 and 2017 as a research case. Results of the analysis show that although female MPs speak less, they receive more positions in intra-parliamentary bodies than male deputies. Moreover, a majority of committees are far from being gender-neutral as male and female legislators have significantly different chances of becoming their members. Overall, the results suggest that gender influences MPs’ parliamentary behaviour even in post-communist countries, and surprisingly similarly to Western Europe.
8
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Po Trianon. Zmiany w funkcjonowaniu parlamentu węgierskiego

63%
Püski L.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2019
|
issue 1(150)
225–235
EN
On 16 November 1918 the bicameral National Assembly terminated its activity, but the new legislative body was not able to take up its role until the beginning of 1920. The two-year functioning of the unicameral National Assembly was marked by certain duplicity. On the one hand, a certain democratization process was taking place, apparent as regards strengthening and expanding parliamentary functions. On the other hand, as a result of unstable party structures and political rivalry dominating the activity of the National Assembly, the discussed institution was incapable of creating a stable system of governance, which left considerable leeway for Prime Minister István Bethlen.
9
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Controlled Parliamentarism. Political and Constitutional Transformations in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in 1989-1999

63%
Wróblewski B.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
|
2021
|
issue 6 (64)
211-221
PL
W Haszymidzkim Królestwie Jordanii w 1989 r. pod naciskiem protestów społecznych król Husajn I rozpisał wolne wybory. Nastąpił powrót do systemu monarchii konstytucyjnej teoretycznie z silną pozycją Izby Deputowanych. Następnie w latach 1989-1999 doszło do rywalizacji między starającym się zachować pełną władzę realną monarchą a opozycją. Opozycję po 1989 r. reprezentowali głównie fundamentaliści islamscy z Bractwa Muzułmańskiego. Król Husajn I wykorzystując specyfikę plemiennego społeczeństwa zdołał wygrać tą rozgrywkę polityczną. Monarcha zachował pełną kontrolę nad procesem politycznym, a ideowa opozycja tak islamistyczna, jak i lewicowa została zepchnięta na margines. Dzięki temu jednak monarchia zaakceptowała istnienie realnej opozycji, system wielopartyjny i znaczną wolność słowa. Z jednej strony więc Jordania po 1989 r. stała się jednym z najbardziej liberalnych państw arabskich, z drugiej monarcha w pełni kontroluje parlament i rząd.
EN
Under the pressure of social protests in 1989 in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, King Hussein I announced free elections. There was a revival of the system of constitutional monarchy, with a theoretically strong position of the Chamber of Deputies. Then, in 1989-1999 there was a struggle between the opposition and the monarch, who strived to maintain all real power. After 1989 the opposition was represented mainly by Islamic fundamentalists from the Muslim Brotherhood. King Hussein I managed to win the political struggle by using the tribal character of the society. The monarch maintained complete control over political processes, and the ideological opposition, both Islamic and leftist, was marginalized. However, thanks to that, the monarchy recognized real opposition, the multi-party system, and the freedom of speech. Thus, on the one hand, Jordan after 1989 has become one of the most liberal Arab states, but on the other hand, the monarch controls the parliament and the government.
10
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Systemic Transformations in Jordan in 1951-1957 - Unsuccessful Democracy

63%
Wróblewski B.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
|
2020
|
issue 6 (58)
511-522
EN
The following text discusses the first attempt to transform the authoritarian Jordan monarchy into a constitutional monarchy, in which the parliament chosen by the people was supposed, apart from the king, to serve the role of a real supervisor of the state. Such an attempt was made in 1951-1957. It ended up in a failure and, in fact, the return of the authoritarian methods of exercising the power. This failure resulted both from the specific circumstances of the contemporary Middle East, as well as certain permanent features of Arabic societies. Thus, it is important to trace back these events to show both the attempt at reforms, as well as the causes of the failure. The following text makes use first and foremost of English language resources concerning the history of Jordan. Also, the archive documents collected in the National Archives were used, especially the ones that refer to the correspondence between the authorities in London and the British embassy in Amman. To understand the issue, it will be necessary to go back beyond the year 1951 and to present in brief the very process of how the Hashemite monarchy came into existence.
PL
W tekście poniższym przedstawiona zostanie pierwsza próba przekształcenia autorytarnej monarchii jordańskiej w monarchię konstytucyjną, w której wybrany przez naród parlament miał pełnić obok króla rolę realnego zwierzchnika państwa. Próbę taką podjęto w latach 1951-1957. Zakończyła się ona niepowodzeniem i powrotem do de facto autorytarnych metod sprawowania władzy. Niepowodzenie to wynikało zarówno ze specyficznych warunków ówczesnego Bliskiego Wschodu jak i z pewnych stałych cech społeczeństw arabskich. Warto więc prześledzić te wydarzenia by ukazać zarówno tą próbę reform, jak i przyczyny jej porażki. W tekście poniższym wykorzystane zostały przede wszystkim opracowania angielskojęzyczne dotyczące historii Jordanii. Wykorzystano również dokumenty archiwalne zgromadzone w National Archives szczególnie te wynikające z korespondencji między władzami w Londynie a ambasadą brytyjską w Ammanie. Aby zrozumieć temat konieczne będzie cofnięcie się poza rok 1951 i przedstawienie skrótowo samego procesu powstawania instytucji haszymidzkiej monarchii.
11
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Srovnání mediální agendy politických stran před volbami do Poslanecké sněmovny Parlamentu ČR v letech 2006 a 2010

63%
Sedláček Š., Herot P.
Naše společnost (Our Society)
|
2011
|
vol. 9
|
issue 2
3-14
EN
Media Tenor tracked media coverage of political parties in periods of three months prior to elections to the Chamber of Deputies in 2006 and 2010. Czech Social Democratic Party enjoyed overwhelming media prevalence in a first analyzed period, Civic Democratic Party prevailed in 2010. Neither of instances resulted in a highest voting outcome for the most covered party. The research confirmed private news services to be keeping conservative approaches while (not) presenting new and not well-known political groups. They covered TOP 09 Party and Public Affairs Party (Věci veřejné) rather marginally in 2010. Researchers focused also on a coverage of chairmen of main parties and air-time enjoyed by politicians to quote own party or co-party members.
12
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Ordynacja wyborcza do włoskiej Izby Deputowanych z 4 sierpnia 1993 roku

63%
Lorencka M.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2021
|
vol. 19
|
issue 4
94-108
EN
The political instability of Italian governments, excessive fragmentation and party polarization, political corruption characterized Italy's political system from the unification of the state in the second half of the nineteenth century. Successive amendments to the parliamentary election law were an attempt to solve the above problems. Such a process also took place in 1993. The aim of this article is to present the legal provisions of the electoral law to the Chamber of Deputies in Italy of August 4, 1993. The shape of the changes introduced, the mixed election formula and the original method of distributing seats (scorporo totale and scorporo pro quota) were an example of searching for new solutions in electoral engineering on the way to finding the perfect electoral law. The article uses mainly legal-dogmatic and legal-institutional methods.
PL
Brak stabilności politycznej włoskich rządów, nadmierna fragmentaryzacja i polaryzacja partyjna czy korupcja polityczna charakteryzowały system polityczny Włoch od zjednoczenia państwa w II połowie XIX wieku. Próbą rozwiązania powyższych problemów były kolejne zmiany prawa wyborczego do parlamentu. Taki proces nastąpił również w 1993 roku. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przybliżenie założeń prawnych ordynacji wyborczej do Izby Deputowanych we Włoszech z 4 sierpnia 1993 roku. Kształt wprowadzonych zmian, mieszana formuła wyborcza i oryginalna metoda rozdziału mandatów (scorporo totale i scorporo pro quota) były przykładem poszukiwania nowych rozwiązań inżynierii wyborczej na drodze do znalezienia doskonałego prawa wyborczego. W artykule zastosowano  przede wszystkim metody dogmatyczno-prawną i analizy instytucjonalno-prawnej.
13
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Sytuacja polityczna Jordanii po 2011 roku

63%
Wróblewski B.
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
|
2018
|
issue 3
67-79
EN
The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, unexpectedly, maintained political stability after 2011. It is a phenomenon in the region where many countries plunged into in perennial civil wars. Moreover, Jordan has maintained this stability despite relatively, according to the regional criteria, liberal internal policy. The following text is devoted to the analysis of this phenomenon and, at the same time, it discusses main events concerning the Kingdom in the years 2011–2018. Basic features of the political and social system of Jordan have been analysed and, inevitably, previous history of the country has also been outlined. Strong aspects of Jordan monarchy that enable to overcome crises, better than in the neighbouring countries, have been pointed out. At the same time, problems and threats that could threaten the stability of this country in the future, have also been indicated.
PL
Haszymidzkie Królestwo Jordanii niespodziewanie dla wielu obserwatorów utrzymało pełną stabilność polityczną po 2011 r. Stanowi to ewenement w regionie, w którym wiele państw pogrążyło się w wieloletniej wojnie domowej. Co więcej Jordania zachowuje tę stabilność pomimo prowadzenia dość liberalnej polityki wewnętrznej, przynajmniej według kryteriów regionu. Tekst poniższy poświęcony jest analizie tego fenomenu i jednocześnie przedstawia główne wydarzenia dotyczące Królestwa w latach 2011–2018. Zanalizowano podstawowe cechy systemu politycznego i społecznego Jordanii i z konieczności przedstawiono też zarys wcześniejszej historii państwa. Wskazano silne strony monarchii jordańskiej, które pozwalają jej lepiej niż sąsiadom przezwyciężyć kryzysy. Jednocześnie wskazano problemy i zjawiska, które mogą w przyszłości zagrozić stabilizacji tego państwa.
14
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Změny Ústavy České republiky

51%
Jirásek J.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
|
2018
|
vol. 84
63-73
PL
Konstytucja Republiki Czeskiej została uchwalona 16 grudnia 1992 r. Regulacja stosunków konstytucyjnych w Republice Czeskiej jest również uregulowana w ustawach konstytucyjnych, które w art. 112 Konstytucji określane są jako część „porządku konstytucyjnego”. Od 1993 roku konstytucję nowelizowano dziewięciokrotnie, zgłoszono również wiele in­nych projektów ustaw konstytucyjnych dotyczących zmian w konstytucji, które jednak nie zostały uchwalone.
EN
The Constitution of the Czech Republic was approved on 16th december 1992. The regulation of the constitutional relations in the Czech Republic is includedin more constitutional laws, which are called in the Constitution in Article 112 „constitutional order“. Since 1993 the Constitution was changed 9, besides there were presented many other proposals of the constitutional laws for changes of the Constitution, which failed to approve.
15
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System wyborczy Księstwa Warszawskiego (1807–1815). Zasady i praktyka powoływania Izby Poselskiej

51%
Ilski Z.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2020
|
issue 3(158)
77–100
EN
In the article the electoral system for the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Duchy of Warsaw is presented. Its legal bases are indicated: the Constitution of the Duchy and its supplementary decrees. The main elements of the Duchy’s electoral system are presented. Its organisational basis was a network of single-mandate electoral districts created by county assemblies and communal assemblies. Participation in them required the fulfillment of a number of criteria enabling citizens to exercise their electoral rights. The procedure for electing MPs and deputies as well as the voters’ rights are herein discussed. It is remarked that the voters could cast a single vote, an approving vote, or exercise block voting. The rule for deciding in elections is further presented. An electoral victory could result from a unanimous election or from a relative majority of votes. The electoral system of the Duchy of Warsaw is then compared to French proposals and it is demonstrated that it drew mainly from the Polish parliamentary tradition. The practical application of this system in the 1809 and 1811 elections, dominated by the desire for a unanimous election, is outlined.
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