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EN
Jan Patočka, in a text about Charta 77 written for a special occasion, appeals to Kant’s idea of the duties which a human being has to himself. In the first part of this study, an attempt is made to relate this text to other places where Patočka reflects on the philosophical motivation of political action. In the second part, it is then shown which elements of Kant’s doctrine of virtue and doctrine of right that Patočka is actually appealing to. Patočka’s reading of Kant is, on the one hand, a fascinating attempt to link the doctrine of right with the doctrine of virtue; on the other hand, however, it is a rather selective interpretation which obscures Kant’s sense of the specific cha­racter of the legislation of right (rather than ethics) which arises where there is a co-existence of people and which would encompass of the famous principle of legality on which Charta 77 was based. In conclusion, the author poses the question of why exac­tly Patočka does not exploit this principle of legality and the verdict is reached that it is because of Patočka’s – rather than Kant’s – characteristic conception of freedom as transcending the given.
EN
Patočka’s philosophical work is very extensive; therefore, it is necessary to pay special attention to each area of his interest. It seems that the most important thing in his philosophical heritage is his effort to bridge political and philosophical thought. The aim of this article is to describe the influence of the philosophy of Jan Patočka on the Charter 77 programme. His role was revealed mainly in providing Charter 77 with the moral and existential context.
EN
The article focuses on Czechoslovak dissent in the context of the activities of 25 psychologists who signed Charter 77 until 1989. The purpose of this text is to summarize basic information about these individuals, their life, work and attitudes. The authors draw on archival materials and personal testimonies. The pressure to adapt to the demands of state power and the efforts to expel inconvenient signatories from the country are described. The contribution focuses on the activities of psychologists-signatories during the normalization in the 1970s and 1980s and after 1989. The signatories are interpreted as active, civically engaged, resilient and humanistically oriented.
CS
Článek se zaměřuje se na československý disent v souvislosti s aktivitami 25 psychologů, kteří podepsali Chartu 77 do roku 1989. Smyslem tohoto textu je shrnout základní informace o těchto jedincích, o jejich životě, díle a postojích. Text vychází z archivních materiálů a osobních svědectví. Popsán je tlak na adaptaci podle požadavků státní moci i snaha o vypuzení nepohodlných signatářů ze země. Stať se zaměřuje na aktivity psychologů-signatářů během normalizace v 70. a 80. letech 20. století i po roce 1989. Signatáři jsou interpretováni jako aktivní, občansky angažovaní, nezdolní a humanisticky orientovaní.
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EN
The subject of the article is the hitherto unexplored process of the creation and publication of the Charter 77 documents - documents that fundamentally presented the opinions and analyses of this most important dissident initiative in Czechoslovakia between 1977 and 1989. They covered the state of human and civil rights in the country, various other social and political issues, and the situation of dissent itself. The author refers to this process as a "workshop", which he understands figuratively as a thinking and creative environment in which ideas, proposals and suggestions are born and implemented. In order to analyse the functioning of the Chartist "workshop", he chooses six documents with different content, for the creation of which we have diverse historical sources. Using the examples of the basic document "Declaration of Charter 77" of 1 January 1977, the "Communication of Charter 77" (on the conclusions of the internal discussion on the further work of the Charter from September of the same year), and the position of the spokespersons of Charter 77 (on the discussions on the mission and activities of the Charter from October 1978), the author shows how appropriate ways of further activity were sought within this community and how the written "workshop" rules were enforced. Using a document on the situation of the Roma in Czechoslovakia from December 1978, a so-called "economic" document from May 1979 (known as "Theses on Consumption"), and an analysis of the state of Czechoslovak official historiograpghy from May 1984 (known as "The Right to History"), the author illustrates the Chartists' problems in adhering to the agreed "workshop" rules, their ability to overcome these problems, and the fact that they "produced" Charter documents in two ways. In the first case, the interested parties created an informal group to work on a topic, then incorporated - selectively - the received comments, and then submitted the text (by themselves or through intermediaries) to the speakers for their signature on behalf of the entire Chartist community. In the second case, the Charter spokespersons "produced" the document by signing their own text or a text they had received without consulting anyone. This was precisely the case with the document "The Right to History" (Právo na dějiny), which provoked widespread controversy among Czechoslovak dissenters.
EN
Although Charter 77, as the most important Czechoslovak human rights initiative of the second half of the twentieth century, focused mainly on upholding human rights in Czechoslovakia, in its universalistic conception of human rights issues, the initiative was also interested in human rights abroad. The article examines the hitherto unexplored relationship of Charter 77 with the countries of the "Third World", thus pointing to its global dimension. It asks why Charter 77 expressed itself rather sporadically and reticently about events in these countries and why a number of contemporary international political events did not resonate at all within the Charter community. Specifically, it analyses the motivations and factors that led the Charter, or rather specific signatories of Charter 77, to comment on events in Nicaragua, South Africa and selected other countries. The article shows that the interest in international events and, specifically, the Global South was not the result of a coherent strategy. On the contrary, it stemmed rather from the unsystematic personal interests of a narrow group of people who brought international issues into the Charter community. The Chartists' interest in the "Third World" was motivated by a mixture of factors, including an authentic need to stand up against human rights abuses worldwide. But opinions on the given issues were formed on the basis of limited access to information, or instrumental attempts to relate the foreign situation to specific problems of domestic dissent.
EN
a2_An exception was represented by the dissident and later Minister of Environment Ivan Dejmal (1946–2008), who attempted to combine "small ecology" with the Charter 77 critique of modern rationality and to formulate a positionm of philosophically grounded political ecology within Czechoslovak dissident movement.
EN
The study traces how the American press covered Charter 77's appearances in the first year of its existence, a subject hitherto unstudied. Czechoslovak dissent attracted international attention after major Western newspapers published the constitutive "Charter 77 Declaration" of January 1, 1977. The subsequent prosecution of the Charter's spokespersons and other signatories sparked a wave of protest and support in the West. The interest of the Western media was crucial for the dissidents, as it was the main way to inform the international public about their activities, and often the only way to get some protection against domestic repression. The situation in Czechoslovakia in the early months of 1977 was also monitored by the media and government authorities in the United States. The author finds, however, that of the major American newspapers, only The Christian Science Monitor, The New York Times, and, to a lesser extent, The Washington Post reported on the Charter on a regular basis. She introduces five journalists who reported on the subject more consistently on these platforms (and in some magazines, too). These were Eric Bourne (1909-1999), Malcolm W. Browne (1931-2012), Michael Getler (1935-2018), Paul Hofmann (1912-2008), and Charles W. Sawyer (born 1941). She examines their professional careers and their engagement in Czechoslovak affairs, introduces their reflections on dissent and the conditions in the Eastern Bloc countries, and characterizes their typical approach and point of view in the context of the American journalism of their time. She chronicles their trips to Czechoslovakia and meetings with dissidents in the first months of 1977, which usually ended with their expulsion from the country, and juxtaposes their journalism and memoirs with State Security documents. In doing so, she shows the problematic contexts in which they reported on Czechoslovakia and Central Europe, and suggests certain shifts and distortions to which the ideas and activities of Czechoslovak dissent were subjected in their mediation and "translation" for the American press. It was this "translation", complicated by the limited contacts American journalists had with dissidents, that mattered more to the media image of the Charter trought the United States of 1977 than the original ideas of Jan Patočka or Václav Havel. It can be concluded that American journalists represented the dissident movement in the long run as a continuation of the Second World War conflict, which the dissidents had shifted to a field of competing political, economic, ethical, and philosophical ideas and visions.
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