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EN
Untrained reform of „perestroika” has profound ideological crisis of the Communist Party of Ukraine in 1985–1991. As a result, there has been complete loss of control over social and political processes. The authority of the Communist Party undermining the newly created „informal” organizations and political parties whose activities led to a breach of the monopoly of Communist Party, and the formation of a multiparty system. Crisis could not be avoided to unsatisfactory work of the apparatchiks of primary organizations (especially large industrial enterprises).
PL
W drugiej połowie lat osiemdziesiątych XX w. Komunistyczna Partia Ukrainy znalazła się w stanie głębokiego systemowego kryzysu, co wywołało falę niezadowolenia wśród znacznej części ludności USRR, zwłaszcza w regionach zachodnich, a następnie doprowadziło do demontażu systemu komunistycznego w 1991 r. Artykuł analizuje ogólne tendencje w procesach społecznych i politycznych w USRR w okresie głasnosti, przebudowy i demokratyzacji (1985–1991), charakteryzuje specyfikę powstawania nieformalnych organizacji społecznych i politycznych, Ludowego Ruchu Ukrainy oraz ich postulatów, a także sposobów ich realizacji, omawia stosunki na linii państwo–Cerkiew, a także specyfikę kwestii legalizacji Ukraińskiej Cerkwi Greckokatolickiej i Ukraińskiej Autokefalicznej Cerkwi Prawosławnej w USRR oraz stosunki międzywyznaniowe na przełomie lat osiemdziesiątych i dziewięćdziesiątych XX w. Pokazuje również, że stosunkowa stabilizacja polityczna w pierwszych latach przebudowy zmieniła się po kampanii wyborczej w 1990 r. do Rady Najwyższej USRR i do miejscowych organów władzy, w wyniku czego nastąpiła eskalacja konfliktu politycznego między siłami narodowo- -demokratycznymi a KPU. Wszystko to zaowocowało zdobyciem niepodległości przez Ukrainę 24 sierpnia 1991 r.
EN
I n the second half of the 1980s, the Communist Party of Ukraine fell into a deep system crisis, which triggered a wave of discontent among this major part of the USSR, particu- larly in the Western regions, and resulted in a disassembly of the communist system in 1991. The article analyses general trends in socio-political processes in the USSR in the period of glasnost, rebuilding and democratization (1985–1991), defines the specifics of the emergence of “informal” social and political organizations, the People’s Movement of Ukraine and their demands, as well as the methods for their implementation, discusses the relations between the state and the Orthodox Church and the specifics of the legalization of the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church and of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church in the USSR and the relations between religious associations at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. It also proves that the relative political stabilization in the first year of the rebuilding changed after the election campaign to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of 1990 and to local authorities, which triggered a political conflict between the national and democratic forces and the Communist Party of Ukraine. This all was crowned by Ukraine’s regaining of independence on 24 August 1991.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the positions of Ukrainian parliamentary groupings, namely, the Party of Regions, Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, Our Ukraine - People’s Self-Defence Bloc, the Communist Party of Ukraine and the Lytvyn Bloc, on the 2008 conflict regarding South Ossetia. The analysis of statements issued by parliamentary factions, political parties and individual politicians allowed to conclude that the political forces which took the Russian side during the Caucasus crisis were the Communist Party of Ukraine and the Party of Regions. A different stance was adopted by the pro-presidential Our Ukraine, which, similarly to Viktor Yushchenko, expressed support for the territorial integrity of Georgia and strongly criticized Russia’s actions against Georgia. As for Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc and the Lytvyn Bloc, they both tried to avoid expressing clear support for either side of the conflict.
EN
The article aims at an in-depth analysis of the Communist Party of Ukraine crisis at the time of Perestroika (1985-1991). The consequences of the crisis are mass resignations, formation of fractions and platforms, regionalization and decentralization of party structures. Furthermore, the crisis contributes to continuing fall in authority of CPSU in general and of CPU in particular limiting its access to real levers of influence upon the transformational processes; the loss of control over the course of reforms; the growth of spontaneity, chaos and uncontrollability in the development of society. In order to overcome the crisis, the Communist Party makes an attempt at a generational change in the Soviet party nomenclature, which is supposed to significantly rejuvenate the political elite of the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR. However, the authors of the article, having analyzed archival documents, prove that in the Ukrainian SSR, a generational change does not take place, and the young cadres who come to power have no real influence. An attempt to change generations in the country's political elite fails and becomes the cause of internal political conflict.
EN
The article attempts to examine the role and place of the pro-Russian parties in the Ukrainian political system in the period from Euromaidan (2014) to Russia’s launch of a full-scale invasion of Ukraine (2022). The author undertook the challenge of defining the characteristics of the pro-Russian forces by reviewing the electoral programs of selected political parties. In addition, the article explores the dynamics of support for the pro-Kremlin parties in the 2014 and 2019 parliamentary elections and explains the reasons for the short-term increase in the popularity of such political forces. The fate of the pro-Russian political parties after the outbreak of a full-scale war between Russia and Ukraine in February 2022 was also described.
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę zbadania roli i miejsca partii prorosyjskich w ukraińskim systemie politycznym od Euromajdanu (2014) do rozpoczęcia przez Rosję pełnoskalowej inwazji na Ukrainę (2022). Autor podjął się zdefiniowania cech charakterystycznych prorosyjskich partii poprzez dokonanie przeglądu programów wyborczych wybranych ugrupowań politycznych. Ponadto w artykule zbadano dynamikę poparcia dla partii prokremlowskich w wyborach parlamentarnych w 2014 i 2019 r. oraz wyjaśniono przyczyny krótkoterminowego wzrostu popularności tego rodzaju sił politycznych. Opisany został również los prorosyjskich partii politycznych po wybuchu pełnowymiarowej wojny między Rosją a Ukrainą w lutym 2022 r.
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